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N THE CUSTODY OP THE 

BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY. 



SHELF N 




^ / 1 r 
,^ 






OBSERVATIONS 

O N T H E 

ACT of PARLIAMENT, 

COMMONLY CALLED THE 

BOSTON PORT-BILL; 

WITH 

THOUGHTS 

O N 

CIVIL SOCIETY 

AND 

STANDING ARMIES. 



Bv J O S I A H Q_U I N C Y, JUNIOR. 
Counfellor at Law, in BOSTON. 



BRITONS arife /----- ,- 

And fhew you have the Virtue to be mov'd. POPE. 

NULLA FIDES, pletafq; viris, qui CASTRA fequuntur, 
VENALESQ^UE MANUS : Ibi fas, ubi maxima merces. LUCAN, 

What MAN can do againft them, not afraid, 

Though to THE DEATH ; againft fuch CRUELTIES 

With inward confutation recompenc'd : 

And oft fupported fo, as Jhall amaze 

Their PROUDEST PERSECUTORS. MILTON, 



BOSTON, N. E. Printed. 

LONDON : Re-printed for EDWARD and CHARLES PILLY, 
in the POULTRY. MDCCLXXIV, 



To the FREEHOLDERS and 
YEOMANRY of my Country. 

THE virtue, ftrength and fortitude 
of a ftate generally reiide in the 
FREEHOLDERS of the Nation. In you, 
Gentlemen, as the LANDED INTEREST 
of the Country, do I place my confi- 
dence, under GOD, at this Day, 

^ To you, Gentlemen, therefore, I de- 
dicate THIS temporary WORK, as a tefti- 
mony of that great refpefl and warm 
affediion, with which, 



Tour Friend and Countryman^ 
JOSIAH QUINCY, jun, 

Eoftm, May 14, I774 , 



PREFACE. 



V 



Statute of the i ^th George ^d, received 
in tie /aft Ships from London^ (entitled " An 
" A5l to discontinue, in fuch Manner -, and for 
" fuch Tii-ine as are therein mentioned, the landing 
" and difcharging> the lading or Jhipping of 
" Goods, Wares, Merchandize, at the Town, and 
" within the Harbour of B oft on, in the Province 
ff of Maffacbufett's Bay, in Nort h- America," ) 
gave rife to the following OBSERVATIONS : 
- T^hey will appear thrown together in hajle ; 
end as the Writer was out of 'Town on bujinefs, 
tilmoft every day, the Sheets were printing off, no 
doubt many Errors of the Prefs efcaped correction * 
'The Inaccuracies of a fudden Production from 
cne of infirm health, perglexed with various 
cations, will receive a mild cenfure : more 
rial faults, FRIENDS may be frone to forgive $ 
tut from Enemies public or private we are 
never to exet indulgence or favor. 



JOSIAH QUINCY, jun. 



Bofton, May 74, 1774. 



This Day isfublijhea, 

By E. and C. DILLY, in the Poultry, 
(Price One Shilling,) 

SERMONS 

T O T H E 

& 

RICH and STUDIOUS, 



TEMPERANCE and EXERCISE : With a DEDICATION 
to Dr. CADOGAN. 

Likewife, 

MEMOIRS of the GENERAL DISPENSARY, 

For Part of the Years 1773 and 1774, 

By JOHN COAKLEY LETTSOM, M. D. F. R, S. 
And PHYSICIAN to the DISPENSARY. 

O&avo, Prfee Five Shillings, Bound. 



OBSERVATIONS, 




IN times of public calamity, it is the duty of a 
good citizen to confider. If his opportunities or 
advantages, for knowledge and reflection, are 
greater than thofe of mankind in general, his whole 
duty will remain undifcharged, while he confines 
his thoughts to the compals of his own mind. But 
if danger is added to the calamity of the times, 
he who (hall communicate his fentiments on public 
affairs with decency and franknefs, merits atten- 
tion and indulgence, if he may not afpire to appro- 
bation and praife. 

Whoever attends to the tenor and defign of the 
late act of the Britifh Parliament for the BLOCKADE 
OF this HARBOUR, and duly confiders the extenfive 
confufion and diftreis this meafure muft inevitably 
produce; whoever (hall reflect upon the jufrice, po- 
licy and humanity of legiilators, who jcould delibe- 
rately give their fanftion to fuch a procedure mull 
be fatisfied, that the man, who mall OPENLY dare to 
txpofe their conduft^ hazards fata) conlequences. 
Legiflators, who could condemn a whole town un- 
heard, nay uncited to anfwer who could involve 
thoufands in ruin and mifery, without fuggeftion 

B of 






;- ( * 

of any crime ly them committed and who could ib 
conftrudt their law, as that enormous pains and pe- 
nalties would inevitably enlue, NOTWITHSTANDING 

THE MOST PERFECT OBEDIENCE TO IT'S INJUNC- 

T;< NS, - - Legislators, thus formed as MEN, thus 
.ncipK'd as STATESMEN, would undoubtedly ima- 
:.e Jie attainder and death of a private individual, 
lor h.3 public animadverfions, a lefs extraordinary 
sf power*. But all exertions of duty have 
their hazard : If dread of Parliamentary extrava- 
gance is to deter from public energies, tbefafety of 
ihe ccmrr.on wealth will feon be def paired of; and 
when once a fentirnent of that kind prevails, the 
exceffcs of preient enormities ib rapidly increafe, 
that ftrides, at firft appearance, exorbitant, will 
foon be found but the bc?inninz of evils. We 

o <5 J 

therefore confider it as a juft cbfervation, that the 
weight and velocity of public oppreilions are ever 
in a ratio proportionate to private defpondency and 
public deipair. 

. . ' , / : ; :'''''.'.':.' ; ; ':'';." He 

* Since this treatife was advertifed in the public papers, as 
being in the preis, the Author hath received, irom the Britifti 
CoiFee-houfe, an anonymous Letter, in which he is reprefentcd 
as being " in eminent hazard of THE LOSS OF LIFE and con- 
fifcaiioH of ejlatz :" It is feki, that " I fnali very probably get 
** into the hand 5 of a power, from which no power lean call 

" to, will be able to deliver me." There is (fays the 

writer) " but one expedient left to lave rne :" - " Employ^ 

" f^r GOD's fake, thofe rare talents, with which (faith the 
* c artful Flatterer) he hath bieilcd you, in convincing THE pao- 
*' PLE that they hav* nothing to do, bui to SUBMIT, and make 

Ci their peace WITH GOVERNMENT: You may, (continues 

f c he) by this i>ieans probably make your peace, and ward oft" 
ft the punifhment that hangs over your head. It is barely pofli- 
" ble, THAT GOVERNMENT may flil! continue IT*S GREAT 

LENITY, and overlook your offences/' 

The Reader i^ left to his ov/n Reflexions, 



( 3 ) 

He who fiull go about to treat of important and 
concerns, and conceals himfelf behind the 



curtain of a feigned fignature. oives an advantage to 

v-2 C_) C-J G/ 

his adverfaries ; who will not fail to ftigmatize his 
thoughts, as the notions of an unknown writer, 
afraid or afhamed to avow his fentiments ; and 
hence they are deemed unworthy of notice and re- 
futation. Therefore I give to the world both rny 
fentiments and name upon the prefent occasion, 
and ihall hear with patience him, who will decent- 
ly refute what is advanced, and fhall fubmit with 
temper to that correction and chaflifement which my 
errors deierve. 

The acb now under confideration opens with a 
recital, that " dangerous commotions and infurretnons 
" have been fomented and raifed in Bofton by di- 
" vcrs ill afFedred perfons, to the fubverfion of .his 
" Majefty's Government, and to the utter deftruo 
" tion of the public peace, and good order of the 
" faid town , in which commotions and infurrec- 
" ti'jns certain valuable cargoes of Teas, being 
the property of the Er.ft- India Company^ and on 
board certain veiTcls lying within the bay or 
harbour cf Bofton, were .feized and deftroyed : 
and in the prcient condition of faid town and 
" harbour, the commerce of his Majefty's fubjets 
6t cannot be lately carried on there, nor the cudoms 
" payable to his Majeity be duly collected. " 

Two queftions naturally arife out of this pream- 
able : The firft, whether the facts fet forth are true \ 
and fecondly, whether ufon afuppofition of their truth ^ 
they are a furncient found j tion for the fubfequent 
parts of the flatute, or will warrant the difabrlitifcs, 
forfeitures, pains and penalties, enacted and inflict- 
cdon the fubjed ? Both inquiries feem intimately 

B 2 to 



C( 

tt 
i? 

4 



V . , ( 4 ) 

to concern the honour and juftice of the Britifli le- 
giQature. And however unimportant the judgment 
of Americans may now appear to that auguft 
body yet furely the judgment of Europe and fu- 
ture ages, is not unworthy their high confideration. 
Removed from the eye of royalty, the piety of a So- 
vereign may ceafe to pity miferies it doth not behold > 
remote from the cries of public juftice and the efforts 
of popular defpair, Lords and Commons may re- 
main unaffected, for a feafon, with American con- 
vulfions ; yet juftice and humanity muft foon ex- 
cite thofe operations in America and Europe, which 
hereafter will move even the Senate of Britain. 
True knowledge and real virtue perhaps were never 
more difrufed than on this northern continent ; re- 
fined humanity ('tis boafted) was never more pre- 
dominant than in Europe at this day : Can it be 
fuppofed, that this virtue will be difcordant and 
inactive -, that this knowledge will omit to unfold 
public wrongs, or that fuch humanity will ceafe to 
interpofe ? 

That commotions were in Bofton and that Eaft- 
India tea was deftroyed, are facts not controverted. 
But that fuch commotions were natural to be ex- 
pected j that they were fuch as ftatefmen muft have 
forefeen, and A FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, who fore- 
faw, would prevent^ rather than puriiib, is equal- 
ly true. The fentiments of all Americans relative 
to the Tea act are no fecret, their fervor in the 
COMMON CAUSE equally known ^ and their probable 
intemperance in confequence of the arrival of In- 
dia teas, it required no profound fkili in men and 
politics to predict. Nay the Britifh papers were 
full, and the fenate echo'd, with the predictions 
Cmilar to thofe which are now fulfilled. It was 
not difficult for Englifomm in Britain to tell how 

Englijhmen 



. < 5 ) 

EngKfhmen in America would conduct on fuch occa- 
fions. What mall we then fay ? Shall we impute 
to thofe, who are dignified as " the wifeft and mod 
auguft," the barbarous projection deliberately to 
enfnare, that they might fuperlatively punifh ? The 
calm deliberation of premeditated malice feems ra- 
ther more chhradteriftie of a private bofom, than a 
public body. Eut Governor Hutchinfon (the repre- 
fentative of his Majefty in this Province ) when 
treating upon an Act of the MaJJacbufetft Government 
impofmg a tax or duty upon goods of the inhabitants 
of other colonies? hath allured us, that " in all ages 
" and countries, by bodies and communities of men fuch 
" deeds have been done, as moft of the individuals 
" of which iuch communities confided, acting fe- 
" parately, would have been G/hamea of"* An ob- 
fervation that his Excellency might have imbibed, 
from that prince of hiftorians, Dr. Robertion. " To 
<4 abandon ufurped power? to renounce lucrative er- 
ror, are facrifices, which the virtue of individuals 
has, on fome occafions, offered to TRUTH ; but 
from ANY SOCIETY of men no fuch effort can be 
expected. The corruptions of fociety? recojn mended 
by common utility, and juftified by univerfal 
practice, are viewed by it's members, without 
Jhame or horror ; and reformation never proceeds 
from themfelves, but is always FORCED upon 
them by fome FOREIGN hand." " Caefar, Le- 
pidus and Antony, fays Plutarch, fhc-w, that no 
46 beaft is mvrt favage than man, when poflcfTed of 
" power equal to his pajffion" If the fentimencs of Dr. 
Robertfon are juft, have we not caufe to rear from 
very powerful itates and legiflators an equal ferocity? 

And 

* 2 Vol. MafT. Hift. page 156. 
t Hift. Scotland, 4 Vol. page 167. 



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( 6 ) . . 

And it is an obfervation of the illuftrious Lord 
Clarendon, that it is the nature of man, rather to 
commit two errors than retract one. When eleva- 
ted characters commit a fecond error, it carries the 
ir of an intended difcovery, how little they feel for 
the Jirjl, how much they defpife the people, how 
much they are above fhame, fear and amendment. 
But to heighten cruelty by wantonnefs, to render it 
more pungent by infult, are fuch exorbitances, as 
feldom difgrace the records of mankind. But 
whenever fuch inftances occur, they Itrikingly ve- 
rify that eternal truth recorded in the Houfe of 
Lords " it is much eafier to retrain liberty from 
" running into licentioufnefs than POWER from i welling 
" into tyranny and oppreffion*" Can it add dignity 
to this noble fentiment, or weight to this important 
truth, to fay, that among the iliuitrious peribnages 
who fubfcribed it with their hands and tranfmitted 
it to pofterity, we find a " Chefterfield" and " Cob- 
ham", a " Stratford" and a " BathurA", a Haver- 
fliam" and " Gower ?" . . . 

But to return. Are popular commotions pecu- 
liar to Bofton ? Hath not every maritime town in 
England been repeatedly affected by them r Arc 
they not incident to every commercial and popu- 
lous city ? whence, then, is it, that BOSTON is 
devoted to fuch unexampled treatment ? But it 
may be faid, Boiton, as a town, hath aided, abetted, 
and participated in thefe tumults. Where is the 
evidence or it ? I p re fume the Lords and Com- 
mons of Great-Britain had none-, for they do not 
fuggeft it : I prefume they did not believe it, be- 
.cauie they have not intimated it. And had they 

been 

* 2 Vol. Lord's PrJt. Edit. 1767. p. 141. Anno 1736. 



( 7 ) 

been furnifhed with fuch evidence, had they be- 
lieved the fact, furely it is an imputation unworthy 
of their dignity, to lay, that they would not have 
given that matter in the preamble of the ftatute, as 
the ground of their extraordinary procedure. But 
the records of Bofton, and known fafts^ prove that the 
inhabitants diicountenanced and difavowed all riot 
and diforder. I am thus warranted in faying, that 
the mere occurrences exprefTed in the act, is that mat- 
ter which the Britilh legiQature have judged worthy 
the moft unparallelled penal feverities. Whether this 
judgment be right , is a fubject interefting to a citizen 
of the town to enquire $ it is a fubjecl; on which a 
man will fpeak feelingly ; on which AN ENGLISHMAN 

and openly. 



Previous to further obfervations, it may be necef- 
fary to fay, that the town of Bofton had as a town 
cautiQufy and wifely conducted itfeif, not only with- 
out tumult, but with ftudied regard to eflablifhed 
law. This the rolls of the town verify, and a hun- 
dred witnefies can confirm. 

At the laft town-meeting relative to the Eaft- 
India tea and it's confignees, it was largely debated, 
whether it fhould be an inftruclion to the commit- 
tee, who were appointed to wait on thofe Gentle- 
men, to infift on their peremptory anfwer, whe- 
ther they would fend back the Tea : and after 
long debase on the queftion, it patted by a very 
large majority in the negative. And the greateft 
enemy of the country cannot point out any one 
flep of the 1'own of Rofton, in the progrefs of this 
matter, that was tumultuous, diforderly and againft 
law. This allb is an additional reaibn, why we 
mull conclude that the mere temporary events which 

took 



( 8 ) 

tovk fLice in Soften, without any illegal procedure 
of the town, in the matter of the tea, is in the 
judgment of the Britim Senate an adequate foun- 
dation for the laft aft received from that powerful 
body. 

The firft enacting claufe of the flatute now in 
view, annihilates all commercial tranfactions within 
two certain points of the harbour of Boiton, upon 
pain of the FORFEITURE of " goods, wares and 
" merchandize, and of boat, lighter, fhip, vefiel, 
" or other bottom ; and of the guns, ammuni- 
ic tion, tackle, furniture and (lores, in or belonging 
" to the fame :" " and of any barge, hoy, lighter, 

wherry, or boat into which any goods, &c. are 

laden," &c. 



cc 

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The next paragraph, w in cafe any wharfinger, 
44 &c. or any of their fervants lhall take up or land, 
44 or knowingly fuffer to be taken up or landed, or 
44 mall fhip off, or fuffer to be water-borne, at or 
44 from any of their laid wharfs, &c. goods, 
44 enacts a FORFEITURE and LOSS of fuch 
44 &c. and TREBLE the value thereof, to be com- 
44 puted at the faighefi price of fuch fort of goods, 
44 &c. together with the veflels and boats, and all 
44 the horles, cattle, and carriages, whatfoever made 
44 ufe of in the fnipping, unfhipping, landing, re- 
44 moving, carriage, or conveyance of any of the 
44 aforefaid goods," &c. 



The next claufe provides, * 4 that if any (hip, 
** fhall be moored or lie at anchor, or be ieen hover- 
14 ing within laid bay, &c. or within one league 
44 from the laid bay, &c. it fliall and may be lawful 
ct for any Admiral, or comfaiffioned officer of his 
** Majefty's fleet or fhips of war, or for ANY OFFI- 



41 CR 



ct 

( 
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f 9 ) 

** CER OF HIS MAJESTY'S CUSTOMS, to compel fuch 
** fhip or veffel to depart to SOME OTHER port or 
" harbour, or to SUCH STATION AS THE SAID OF- 

** F1CER SHALL APPOINT, and tO ufe SUCH FORCE 

for that purpofe as fhall be found neceflary : 
And if fuch fhip or veflel fhall not depart ac- 
cordingly, WITHIN six HOURS after notice for 
that pirrpofe given by fuch perfon as aforefaid, 
fuch fhip or vejfel, together with all the goods laden 
on board thereon, and all the guns, ammunition, tackle 
and furniture Jhall be forfeited and loft, WHETHER. 

<c BULK SHALL HAVE BEEN BROKEN OR NOT. 

Let ns here paufe for a moment ; let us give 
time for one fingle reflection ; Jet us give fpace for 
one pulfe of the veins one emotion of the heart. 
And who can think, but thofe exalted characters 
and that generous prince, ftiled THE FATHER OF 
all HIS PEOPLE who united in this terrible act, had 
many reflections, many feelings of humanity, while 
they were folemnly configning thoufands if not 
millions to ruin, mifery, and defperation ? 

The perfons in whom this authority is veiled, are 
not confined to the ports or harbours on this con- 
tinent : the vefTel and cargo may be ordered to what 
harbour, port or ftation of the whole world, the 
officer pleafes if he appoint a continental ftation, 
'tis grace and favour ; and what may be the price 
of that purchaic, who can tell ? what fcope for ma- 
lice and ill-will ; for pride and haughtinefs ; for 
avarice and power to wanton and infult, till the 
one is fatiated, and the other wearied ! 

Who are the perfons to whom fuch unbounded^ 
fuch enormous power is entrufted ? Power is 

C known 



( 10 ) 

Jcnown to be intoxicating in it's nature, and in pro- 
portion to it's extent, is ever prone to wantonnefs : 
power and authority, lays Plutarch, awaken every 
paflion, and difcover every latent vice : what a co- 
gent temptation is here placed to infnare the moft 
virtuous ? But if there be one depraved paflion ia 
the bofom, as power gives icope and opportunity, 
how foon will it be called forth into licentious ex- 
ercife ? Shall I be thought going too far ; fhall I 
trefpafs upon the bounds of truth and decency, if 
I fay, thac SOME of his Majefly's commijjiomd officers, 
in his fleet, or fhips of war ; SOME officers of his cuf- 
toms are not altogether worthy of fuch high confidence 
$nd truft ? Are there not inferior commiffioned officers 
in the King's fhips ; are there not many of the LOWER 
officers of the cufcoms, who have neither itrength 
of underflanding, nor integrity of heart to wield fucK 
a mighty power ? Nay, may not; I add, that SOME 
FEW (into whofe hands peradyeriture, the eftate of 
a good fubject and opulent merchant may chance to. 
fall) are dcftitute of all fenfe, mental and humane t 
While contemplating this fubjecl, while the mind 
is active, and heart warm how apt are we to for- 
get that the jlliiftrious Hotifes, who gave their 
ian&ion tp this aftonifhing law, are dignified as 
learned and venerable; and the Prince that gave 
his fat, denominated " THE WISEST AND BEST OF. 

* e KINGS?" 

Declining an entrance upon matters heretofore 
difcufled by abler heads, I have omitted all obfer- 
vation on the right and policy of the claims and laws 
pf Great-Britain over the colonies , upon the fame 
principle I wave entering that copious field which 
is preiertted, by that part of the prefent act, which 
provides for the recovery of all forfeitures and pe- 
nalties in the courts of admiralty whofe extended 

* * 9 ' 

jurifdictioj} 



jurifdiction hath been matter of very great 
vance, heart-burnings and complaint; whofe judges 
hold their eommifTions by tbe tenure of will and plea- 
fure ; and whofe large falaries are a mod powerful 
incentive to the delire of welfyleqftng ALL on whom 
they depend* 

Another paflage in this ftatut makes utterly void 
ALL CONTRACTS, " for configning, fhipping, or car- 
44 rying any goods, &c. to or from the harbour of 
44 Boiton, which HAVE BEEN made or entered into, or 
44 which mall be made or entered into, fo long as 
44 the act continues in force, relating to any ihip 
44 which mail arrive at faid town or harbour after 
44 the firft day of June." 



Jurifprudents and the fages of the law for cen- 
turies have taught, that retrojpeftive or pcft fatto ila- 
tutes, were not only militant with the principles of 
found morals, but thofe alib of political wifdom. But 
the Parliament, who by the bold figure of com- 
mon lawyers, are ftiled omnipotent, htre enforces a 
different doctrine. The Englim colonift, replete 
with loyalty to his fovereign - s the defcendant from 
Britain, animated by love for a mother-country, 
reprefies the excurfions of his underftanding and 
paflions : but the fubject or native of another ftate 
will feel no fuch reilraint. He has contracted to 
fend his merchandize to this port> expects his 
returns in the commodities of the country in 
compliance with his obligations, his treafures are 
moving with hazard upon the ocean, with hopes 
warm for gain, The fnip (in which peradven-> 
ture he hath rifqued his life as well as fortune) 
after many a toil and jeopardy, reaches the ddtined 
port. But how are his hopes baffled how will 



C 2 rage 



( 12 ) 

.iage and exclaim ? vlft have been his expences to 
prepare for his adventure, and equally great hb 
expectations from the Boflon merchant. What: 
guilt hath he contracted, what crime hath he com- 
mitted, that be alfo Ihould be involved in the ca- 
lamitous confequences of this unexampled ftatute ? 
Buoyed up for a moment, perhaps, with a vain 
expectation, that he may have a remedy on his 
tontnitt againft the merchant here ; how will this 
fuppoied foreigner fink with a ten-fold defpondency, 
how will he rife again with adequate indignation, 
when he difcovers all remedy gone , his contract 
declared by the law, " utterly void, to ALL INTENTS 
" AND PURPOSES WHATSOEVER ?"- Here again, love 
for a -parent -country, love for a parent-king checks 
the current of realbn, and reilrains the career of 
paffion. 

Having taken this view, before we proceed fur- 
ther, it is natural once more to afk, whence arofe 
this extraordinary flride of legiflation ; v/hat is it, 
that the town of Bofton hath done ? what new and 
unheard of crime have the inhabitants committed 
to juftify enacting of fuch c! liabilities, forfeitures, 
pains and penalties ? puniihments that defcend in- 
difcriminately on all, ought to have the fanction of 
unerring wifdom, and almighty power, or it will be 
queflioned, if not oppcfed : The prefent ven- 
geance falls indifcriminately on the acknowledged inno- 
cent, as well as the jupf&Jkd guilty. Surely the evil 
is of a very malignant and terrible nature that can- 
require fuch an extraordinary remedy. Admit for 
a moment, that the inhabitants of Bofton were 
charged as high criminals , the higheft criminals 
are not punifliable, till arraigned before difmterefted 

judges. 



( 13 ) 

judges, heard in defence, and found guilty of the 
charge. But fo far from all this, a whole people 
are accufed, profecuted by they know not who-,. -, 
tried they know not when * proved guilty they know 
not how -, and fentenced in a mode, which for num- 
ber of calamities, extent, and duration of feverity, 
exceeds the annals of pad ages, and we prefume, 
in pity to mankind, will not mark any future -^Era 
in the ftory of the world. 

What will be the real confequences of this afto- 
niming meafure, and what thofe intended and expefi- 
ed by the planners of it, are very different confidera- 
tions. A MACHIAVEL may plan, and his fchemes 
prove abortive ; an ALVA may be fent to execute, 
and his army be defeated. The circle of the arts 
and fciences, like the ball of empire, hath held a 
weflern courie. From Chaldea and Egypt to Greece 
and Rome, foon after in Italy, and thence to the 
iveftern provinces of Europe. Chaldea' and Egypt 
had their Magi, their law-givers and heroes, when 
Greece and Rome fwarmed with petty feudatories 
and barbarians , Greece and Rome flourifhed in li- 
terature, when Gaul, Germany, and Britain were un- 
civilized, rude and ignorant. Wife and fagacious 
politicians have not been able to ftay the rotation 
of this revolving fcientific circle, any more than 
mighty potentates to repel the velocity of the flying 
ball of empire: fuperior to human powers, like blaz- 
ing ftars, they hold their deftined courfe, and play 
their corrufcations as they run their race, 

The expectations of thofe who were the fautors of 
the prefent meafures, muft have been to bring down 
Superlative diilrefs, difcord, corifufion, defpair, 
and perdition upon a multitude. How then will 

our 



our amazement increafe, when we mall hear tha 
the hard fate of this multitude cannot be avoided ? 
Let the inhabitants comply with the requifitions 
of the ftatute, let them be implicitly obedient to 
it's injunctions : what is the evil they will efcape ? 
what is the boon they may hope to attain ? hope 
and fear are faid to be the hinges of government, 
Legiflators have therefore considered it as found 
policy, never to drive the fubject into acts of de- 
ipalr, by caufing punifhments to appear as inevi- 
tabky on the firft -promulgation of a law. When a 
legiflative body ordaineth penalties to take place in 
caies of performance or non- performance of parti- 
cular matters, they furely will take due care, that 
fufficient notice is given of their public will* and fuffi- 
citnt time to comply with their mandates , fo that obe- 
dience may not only proceed from principles of 
regard to the law-makers, but motives of perfonal 
iafety to the fubject himielf. This feems not more 
confonant to political wifdom, than to nature and 
equity. But let us now fuppofe, that upon the 
firil intimations of the preient law, Bofton had 
l?een"*as prone to obey the edict of a Britifh Court, 
as the Turk to comply with the mandate of the 
Divan 9 let us imagine them as fervile, as fawning, 
as a court dependant to a minifter of (late, nay, 
if there be any thing in nature, yet more humble 
and more bafe, let Bolton (in idea for a fhort mo- 
ment) be that humble, fervile, bale, and fawning 
(bine thing : What doth it all avail ? The firft time 
the inhabitants of this town had any intimation, 
of the will of the Britifh Parliament, was on the 
tenth of May, and the act is to take place on the 
firfl of June ; and thence to continue in full /orce y 
44 until it ihtill fufficiently appear to bis Majefly that 

" full 



tt 
cc 



** full fatisfafiion hath been made >*, or on behalf 
** of, the inhabitants of the faid town of Bofton to 
" the united company of merchants of England trad- 
" ing to the Eaft-Indies^ for the damage fuftained by 
" the faid company by the deftrudion of their 
" goods fent to the faid town of Bofton, on board 
** certain mips or vefTels as aforefaid , AND UNTIL 

* c IT SHALL BE CERTIFIED TO HIS MAJESTY in COUndl 
" BY THE GOVERNOR, Or LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, 

*' of the faid province ', that reaf enable fatis faction 
" hath been made to the officers of his Majefty's re- 
* c venue and OTHERS, WHO SUFFERED BY THE RIOTS 

AND INSURRECTIONS ABOVE MENTIONED, in the 

months of November and December in the year 
*' 1773, and in the month of January in the year 

(C T^, 

*774- 

Satisfaction could not be made to the Eaft-India 

company, if all Bofton had the WILL and POWER 

to do it, till the town had time and opportunity 

to call a meeting, afTemble, confult, and determine 

upon the -meafure : great bodies are not calculated 

for fpeedy decifion, any more than velocity of 

motion. The refolution formed -, time muft be 

given for difpatches to England, application to 

the Eaft-India company, an adjuftment with the,rn 

upon the nice point of " full fatisfattion " : that 

accomplifhed , time muft be given for making the 

matter " fitfficiently appear to his Majefty." Let any 

one confider but for a moment, what a length of 

time muft inevitably elapfe before all this can be 

accomplifhed : nay, may it not well be queftioned, 

confidering the parties and all perfons concern'd, 

and the circumftances of this affair, whether fuch 

accomplishment be prafticabie ? But is this all that 

b to be done and dfccled before relief can be given to 

this 



cc 



it 



16 



ibis diftreffed land? Far otherwife. "The Governor 
or Lieutenant Governor, muft alfo firft certify to 
his Majefty, in Council, that reasonable fatisfadion 
hath been made to the officers of his Majefty' s re- 
venue, and OTHERS, who SUFFERED by the riots 
and infurreffions above mentioned." No perfon is 
particularly defignated to be the judge between 
the fubject, and the officers of his Majefty's re- 
venue : No provifion being exprefsly made touch- 
ing this point, how probable that litigation might 
ariie concerning it ? If we fay, that the Go- 
vernor, or Lieutenant Governor, is the implied 
judge of this matter : How is the queflion to 
be brought before him, how tried, and how ad- 
jufled ? Thefe alfo are points not fettled in a 
moment : Long indeed would be the period be- 
fore the fubjed in Bofton will be capable to af- 
certain and make fuch fatisfadion, as that the 
perfon here pointed out, would make his certificate, 
that it was plenary and reafonable. Governor Ber- 
nard lately filled the chair of government, while 
Mr. Hutchinfon was fecond in command : Go- 
vernor Hutchinfon now fills the chair, and the 
office of Lieutenant Governor is vacant. How 
long would it be before the inhabitants of Bofton 
would acquiefce in the decifion of either of thefe 
gentlemen ? How little probability is there, confider- 
ing the fentiments, and the pad and prefent con- 
dud of thefe gentlemen, that they would fpeedily 
give the required certificate ? - If it hath been 
tound difficult to touch the tender feelings of 
the American and Native, how long would it take 
to excite generous fentiments in the Briton and 
Stranger ? 

But 



( '7 ) 

But theie are all preparatories to the obtaining 
any eafe or relief from the prefTure of this penal 
law. The prerequifites to the federation of pub- 
lic felicity are here not only improbable, but when 
considered altogether and in the prefent crifis of 
public affairs, are they not impradlicable ? But yet 
worfe, being accomplifhed, it could in no way 
prevent the iniiery and calamities of this Britifh 
edict. The fpace given for the ftibjecl: to #ay this 

torrent of evils is fo Jhort^ that it is impoTTMe for 
> / c .*/, 

him, exerting his utrhod energies, to prevent being 
overwhelmed. (But xvriat mortals are unable to 
prevent HEAVEN may day or divert.) 

An avenue feems to be opened by the benignity 
of our Britifh fathers ; but when attempted, affords 
no way of efcape. My veneration for Britain is 
fo great, that 1 will not fuppofe the great council 
of the nation intended to flatter with a falfe hope, 
that cruel difappointment might heighten the poig- 
nancy of differing the anguiili of defpair. But 
fure the fathers of a people will confider, what 
are like to be the fentiments and conduct of men 
driven to diftracYion by a multitude of inevitable 
evils, and configned to defpair from the terms of 
their deliverance ? 

Wonder was excited on the firft view of the pre- 
fent law , our adonifliment hath been increaiing in 
the progrefs of our furvey. A period is not yet put 
to our admiration. The faculties of fenfation are 
yet to -be further dretched. 

The civilian and datefman, the moralid and lage? 
had heretofore delivered thofc maxims of truth and 

D thofe. 



thofe rules of government, which wife legiflators 
have ever obferved, and the bulk of mankind yet 
honour and revere. To know the laws of the 
land already inforce^ previous to the publication of 
a new code, or in the technical phrafeology of a 
common lawyer " to know how the law flood be- 
fore we make a new flatute," hath been confidered 
as an indifpenfable accomplifhment of a good le- 
giflator. But that illuftrious Parliament, whofe 

o . 

power is diftinguifhed, with the appellation of 
" omnipotent," feem not to have exerciied this 
important knowledge, though we do not hence 
ramly infer, that they are deftitute of information, 
becaufe all who are veiled with omnipotence of power,, 
are ever infpired with proportionate wifdom. 

It mufl again be noticed, that no relief is to be 
had, " until full fatisfaction hath been made BY or 
ON bebalfof the inhabitants of faid town of Boilon." 
Now to fuppofe that any in England or Europe 
would make fatisfaclion " on behalf' of laid Inha- 
bitants, was unnatural, if not abfurd j but what i$ 
more to the point, it was certainly unparliamentary. 
The remaining alternative is that fatisfaction mull 
be made by Boflon. 

Every perfon knows, that towns in this Pro- 
vince cannot raife or appropriate any monies, but 
by the exprefs provifions and direct authority of 
law : it is a matter of equal notoriety, that all 
town aflefirnents of money are exprefsly confined, 
by the 4 Wm. & Mar. c. 13. to the " maintenance 
" and lupport of the miniflry, fchools, the poor, 
" and defraying of other neceffary TOWN CHARGES." 
A law which received the royal approbation, al- 
mofl a century ago. 

Will 



( 19 ) 

Will any now fay, that the monies appointed 
to be paid to the Eaft-India houfe, come within the 
words of ".necejjary town charges?" When did the 
town contract the debt, or how are they fubject 
to the payment of it ? Had the Parliament feen 
fit to enact, that monies requifite to fatisfy the In- 
dia merchants, fhould be fo conjidered\ two queftions 
(not of quick decifion) might then have arifen ; 
the one touching the validity and obligatory force 
of the ftatute ; the other, whether it would then 
come within the intent and defign of the Province 
law. For pad doubt, our Provincial legiflators 
had no fuch charge (as the one here fuppofed) in 
view, when they made the law of Wm. & Mary ; 
and in this way therefore the matter could not be 
brought within it's provifion. Parliament muft 
then make a new act to enable and impower Eojion to 
pay the India company, before the town can comply 
with the terms of relief of their trade. In the 
mean while, what is to be the fituation of Boilon 
and the inhabitants of the globe with whom they 
have fuch extenfive connections ? But, it is very 
apparent, that the Parliament have not as yet enact- 
ed the payment of this fatisfaction as a town charge. 
They have only placed it in the option of the town 
to make that payment, or fubmit to the confe- 
quenqes. That payment, we affirm, they cannot 
make, without breach of the law of the land. New and 
unheard of therefore is the date of this people. 
They muft fuftain the fevered afflictions, they muft 
ftand the iflue of diftracting remedies or violate 
one of the moft known and practiced laws of the 
land ! Let us fearch the hiftory of the world ; 
let us irifpect the records of a Spanijh inquifition ; 

D 2 



( 20 ) 

let us. enter die recenes of an Qttoman court-,- nay, 
let us traverie the regions of romance and fable 
where fhali we find a parallel ? 

" When the Hungarians were called REBELS ftrft, 
^ they were called Ib for no other reafon than this, 
" (fays the elegant Ld. Bolingbroke) that they 
" would not be SLAVES." But for BRITONS, when 
they would not venture to cell their CHILDREN, 
rebels, that they fliouki treat them as worfe than 
REBELS, was referved to diftinguim an age of vaunted 
light, humanity and knowledge the ./Era of a King, 
who prides himfelf as bcrn and bred a Briton! 

To complain of the enormities of power, to ex- 
poiruL :e with over-grown oppreiTcrs, hath in all 
ages t>een denominated fedition and faction , and 
to turn upon tyrants, treafon and rebellion. But 
tyrants are rebels againft the firil laws of Heaven 
and Society: to oppoie their ravages is an inftincl: 
of nature the infpiration of GOD in the heart 
of man. In the noble refinance which mankind 
make to exorbitant ambition and power, they al- 
ways feel that divine afflatus^ which, paramount 
every thing human, caufes them to confider the 
LORD OF HOSTS as their leader, and his angels as 
feliow-foldiers : - - - trumpets are to them joyful 
founds, and the enfigns of war, the banners of 
GOD j their wounds are bound up in* the oil 
of a good caufe, and their blood flows in the 
veins of a Saviour ; fudden death is to them pre- 
fent martyrdom, and funeral obiequies refurre&ions 
to eternal honour and glory: their widows and 
babes, being received into the arms of 'a compaf- 
fionate GOD, and their names enrolled among 
2 DAVID'S 



( 21 ) 

PAVID'S WORTHIES greateil lofles are to them 
greatell gains , for they leave the troubles of their 
warfare to lie down on beds of eternal reft and 
felicity. 

There are other parts of the act now before us x 
which merit notice : particularly that, relative to 
the profecution of fuits in the ordinary courts of 
law, " for any thing done in purfuance of the act /' 
by which the defendant is enabled " to plead the 
" general ifTue, and give the act, and the general 
46 matter, in evidence :" whereupon it follows, that 
" if it Jhall appear fo to have been done, the jury 
SHALL find for the defendant;" who, by an after 
claufe, is to " recover treble coils." From this 
pafiage fome have been led to conclude, that the 
appearance of this matter was to be to the Judge ; 
and that if it had that appearance te him, and he 
fhould direct the jury accordingly, however it might 
appear to the jury^ they muft follow the directions 
of the Judge i and acquit the defendant.' But this 
is a conduction, which as the words do not neceffa- 
rily carry that meaning, I will permit myfelf to 
fuppofe the defign of the law. However the late 
donations of large falaries by the crown, to the 
juflices of our fuperior Courts, who are nominated 
by the Governor, and hold their commiffion, du- 
rante bene placito, have not a little contributed to the 
preceding apprehenfion. 

Another pafTage makes provifion for " aligning 
and appointing fuch and fo many open places, 
quays and wharfs, within the faid harbour, creeks, 
" havens and iflands, for the landing, difcharging, 
" lading and Ihipping of goods, as his Majefly, his 
heirs or fuccefTors, ihall judge necefTary and ex- 
pedient j 3 



tc 

cc 



t C T~\^ /"* 1 /^ t^\ <- ' 



( 22 ) 

tc pedient;" and alib for "appointing fuch and 
" fo many officers of the cuftoms therein, as his 
<c Majefty fhall think fit ; after which it (hall be 
<c lawful for any perfon or perfons to lade or put 
C off from, or to difcharge and land upon, fuch 
cc wharfs, quays, and places, fo appointed within 
ct the faid harbour, AND NONE OTHER, any goods, 
cc wares and merchandize whatfoever." By which 
the property of many private individuals is to be 
rendered ufelefs, and worfe than tifeleis ; as the 
fojjeffion of a thing, aggravates the misfortune of 
thole who are deprived of a capacity to enjoy- 
But if the property of feme few is to be rendered no- 
thing worth, fo that of many others is to be openly 
invaded : But why fhould we dwell upon private 
wrongs, while thofe of the multitude call for all our 
attention ? 

If any fhould now fay we are a commercial 
people commercial plans can only fave us. If any 
think that the ideas of the merchant are at this 
day to give fpring to our nerves, and vigour to 
our actions , if any fay, that empire in this age of 
the world, is only founded in commerce: let him 
{how me the people emancipated from oppreffion 
by commercial principles and meafures : let him 
point me, that unexplored land, where trade and 
Jlavery flourifh together. Till then, I muft hold a 
different creed ; and believe that tho' commercial 
views may not be altogether unprofitable that 
though commercial plans may do much they never can 
do ALL. With regard then, to how much the 
merchant, the artificer, the citizen and the huf- 
bandman may do, let us no longer differ. But let 
every one apply his ftrength and abilities to that 

mighty 



( 23 ) 

mighty burden, which, unlefs removed, muft crufh , 
us ALL. AMERICANS have one COMMON INTE- 
REST to unite them -, that intereft muft cement 
them. As natural allies, they have publimed to 
the world profeffions of reciprocal efteem and con- 
fidence, aid and afiiftance , they have pledged their 
faith of mutual friendfhip and alliance. Not 
only common danger, bondage, and difgrace \ 
but national truth and honour confpire to make 

THE COLONISTS refolve TO STAND OR FALL 

TOGETHER. 

Americans never were deftitute of difcernment ; 
they have never been grolsly deficient in virtue. 
A fmali fhare of fagacity is now needful to difcover 
the inficiious art of our enemies , the fmalleft 
fpark of virtue will on this occanon kindle into 
flame. 

Will the little temporary advantage held forth 
for delufion feduce them from their duty ? Will 
they not evidence at this time, how much they 
defpife the commercial bribe of a Britilh miniftry ; 
and teflify to the world that they do not vail to 
the moft glorious of the antients, in love of freedom 
and fternnefs of virtue ? But as to THE INHABI- 
TANTS OF THIS PROVINCE, how great are the num- 
ber, how weighty the coniiderations to actuate their 

condudt ? Not a town in this colony, but have 

^ * 

breathed the warmeft declarations of attachment 
to their rights, union in their defence, and perfeve- 
rance to the end. Should any ONE maritime town 
{for more than ONE I will not believe there can 
be) allured by the expectations of gain, refufe to 
lend their aid j entertaining the bafe idea of build- 
ing 



ing thenifelves upon the ruins of this metropolis-*- 
and in the chain of future events, on the deftruo 
tion of ALL AMERICA, what fhall we fay ? hours 
of bitter reflection will come, when their own 
feelings lhall excite confideration , when remem- 
brance of the fafti and expectation of the future^ 
fhall fill up the meafure of their forrow and anguiih. 
But I turn from the idea, which blafts my coun- 
try with infamy my fpecies with difgrace. 

The intelligent reader muft have noticed, that 
through the v/hole of the adt of Parliament, there 
is no fuggeftion that the Eafl-India company had 
made any demand for damage done to their pro- 
perty: if the company fuppofed they had re- 
ceived injury, it doth not appear whom they con- 
fider as guilty, and much lefs, that they had al~ 
ledged any charge againil the town of Bofton. But I 
prefume, if that company were intitled to re- 
ceive a lecompence from the ' town until they pro- 
fecuted their demand, they are fuppofed to v/ave 
it. And we cannot but imagine, that this is the firft 
inflance, where Parliament hath ordered one fub- 
jedt to pay a fatisfaction to another, when the party 
aggrieved did not appear to make his regular 
claim-, and much more uncommon is it, for iuch 
recompence to be ordered, without afcertaining the 
amount to which the fatisfaction fhall extend. 

But if theEaft-India company were now made eafy, 
and Bofton reduced to perfect filence and humilia- 
tion; how many "OTHERS" are there, who would 
fuggeft, that they " SUFFERED by the riots and in- 
furrfflions abovementioned* and demand " reafonable 
fatisfaRion" therefore The fingular texture, uncer- 
tainty, 



tainty, loofenefs, and ambiguity of this phrafe in the 
flatute, feems Ib calculated for difpute, fuch an 
eternal bar to a full compliance with the requifitions 
of the act, and of courle to render permanent its 
evils, that I cannot fpeak upon the fubject without 
trefpafling upon thofe bounds of refpect and decency, 
within the circle of which I have endeavoured to 
move. 

Here waving further particular confideration of 
that fubject which gave origin to this perform- 
ance, I mall proceed to an equally interefling 
fubjecl that of STANDING ARMIES, and CIVIL SO- 
CIETY. 



The faculty of intelligence may be confidered as 
the firft gift of GOD -, its due exercife is the hap- 
pinefs and honour of man ; its abufe, his calami- 
ty and difgrace. The mod trifling duty is not 
properly difcharged without the exertion of this 
noble faculty ; yet how often does it lie dormant, 
while the higheft concernments are in ifTue ? Be- 
lieve me (my countrymen) the labour of exami- 
ning for onrfelves, or great impofition, muft be fub- 
mitted to , there is no other alternative 3 and unlefs 
we weigh and confider what we examine, little 
benefit will refult from refearch. We are at this 
extraordinary crifis called to view the moft melan- 
choly events of our day : the fcene is unpleafant to 
the eye, but its contemplation will be ufeful, if our 
thoughts terminate with judgment, refolution, and 
fpirit. 

If at this period of public affairs, we do not 
think, deliberate, and determine like men men ot 

K minds 



( 26 ) 

minds to conceive, hearts to feel, and virtue to 
aft what are we to do ? to gaze upon our bon- 
dage ? while our enemies throw about fire-brands, 
arrows, and death, and play their tricks of defpera- 
tion with the gambols of iport and wantonnefs. 

The proper object of fociety and civil inftitutions 
is the advancement of " the greateft bappinefs of 
the great eft number" The people (as a body, being 
never inter eft ed to injure themielves, and uniformly 
deilrous of the general welfare) have ever madvi 
this coUeftive felicity the object of their wifhes and 
purfuit, But fcrange, as it may feem, what the 
many through fucceflive ages have defired and 
fought, the few have found means to baffle and de- 
feat. The necefiity of the acquifition hath been 
confpicuous to the rudeft mind ; but man, incon- 
fiderate, that, " in every fociety there is an effort 
" conftantly tending to confer on one part the height 
" of power ', and to reduce the other to the extreme of 
<: weaknefs and mifery"* hath abandoned the moft 
important concerns of civil fociety to the caprice 
and controul of thofe, whofe elevation caufed them 
to forget their priftine equality, and whofe intereft 
urged them to degrade the beft and moft ufeful, below 
the worft and moft unprofitable of the fpecies-f-. 
Againfl this exertion, and the principle which origi- 
nates it, no vigilance can be too lharp, no determi- 
nation too fevere. 

But 

Marq. Beccaria. 

f The modes of government which have been impofed on cre- 
dulous man, have been not only deficient in producing the juil 
ends of government, viz. the full and impartial fecurity of the 
rights of nature; but alfo, have been rather formidable and 
dangerous cabals againfu the peace, happinefs, and dignity of 
fociety. Macaulay's Obfeivanons on Burke's Thoughti, bV 
Edit. 5, p. 10. 



( 27 ) 

But, alas ! as if born to delude and be delu- 
ded to believe whatever is taught, and bear all 
that is impofdd fuccefiive impofitions, wrongs and 
iniults, awaken neither the fenfe of injury, nor fpirit 
of revenge. Fafcinations and enchantments, chains 

V / f - 

and fetters, bind in adamant the underftanding, and 
pafiions of the human race. Ages follow ages, 
pointing the way to ftudy wifdom but the charm 
continues. 



Sandtified by authority and armed with power, 
error and ufurpation bid defiance to truth and right, 
while the bulk of mankind fit gazing; at the monfter 

o . o 

of their own creation : a monfter, '' to which their 
follies and vices gave origin, and their depravity and 
cowardice continue in exittence. 

" The great eft happinefs of the great eft number" 
being the object and bond of fociety, the eftabliih- 
ment of truth and juftice ought to be the bafis of 
civil policy and juril prudence. But this capital efta- 
blilhment can never be attained, in a Rate, where 
there exifts a power fuperior to the civil maglftrate^ 
and fufficient to confront the authority of the laws. 
Whenever, therefore, the profej/ion of arms becomes 
a diftinfl order in the Hate, and a ftanding army part 
of the conftitution, we are not fcrupulous to affirm, 
that the end of the focial compafit is defeated^ and the 
nation is called to aft upon the grand queftion^ consequent 
upon fuch an event. 

E 2 The 

* This (ftanding army) is a monfter, that will devour all your 
liberties and properties there is a time for all men to fpeak, 
and now, when our liberties are at ftake, duty to GOD, our 
Prince, and country, forbid to Be filent. Sir John Hotham's 
ipeech in Parliament, 1673. Grey's debates, voL 2, page 

59*- 



The people who compofe the fociety (for whofe 
fecurity the labour of its inftitution was performed, 
and of the toils its prefervation daily fuftained) 
THE PEOPLE, I fay, are the only competent judges 
of their c"jcn welfare* and, therefore, are the only 
fuitable authority to determine touching the great 
end of their fubjedion and their facrifices. This 
pofition leads us to two others, not impertinent on 
this occafion, becaufe of much importance to Ame- 
ricans : - 

That the legiflative body of the common-wealth 
ought to deliberate, determine, and make their de- 
crees in places where the legiflators may eajlly know 
from their own obfervation^ the wants and exigences, 
the fentirnents and will, the good and happineis of 
the people * 9 and the people as eafily know the de- 
liberations, motives, defigns, and conducl, of their 
Jegiflators, before their ftatutes and ordinances ac- 
tually go forth and take effect : 

That every member of the legiilature ought him* 
felf to be fo far iubjed: in his peribn and property to 
the laws of the (late, as to immediately and effec* 
tually feel every mifchief and inconvenience, refuH- 
ing from all and every a 61 of legislation. 

The fcience of man and fociety, being the moft 
extended in its nature, and the moft important in its 
ccnlequences, of any in the circle of erudition, ought 
to be an object of univerfal attention and ftudy. 
Was it made fo ? the rights of mankind would not 
remain buried for ages under iy items of civil and 
prieftly hierarchy, nor focial felicity overwhelmed by 
Uwlefs domination, 

9 

Under 



Under appearances the moil venerable, and infti- 
tutions the moil revered , under the fanftity of reli- 
gion, the dignity of government, and the imiles of 
beneficence, do the fubtle and ambitious make their 
firft incroachments upon their fpecies. Watch, and 
oppofe^ ought therefore to be the motto of mankind. 
A nation in its beft eftate guarded by good laws, 
fraught with public virtue, and fteeled with martial 
courage may referable Achilles : but Achilles was 
wounded in the heel. The leail point left unguarded, 
the foe enters : latent evils are the moil dangerous 
tor we often receive the mortal wound, while we are 
flattered with fecurity. 

The experience of all ages mews, that mankind 
are inattentive to the calamities of others, carelefs 
of admonition, and with difficulty roufed to repel 
the moil injurious invafions. " I perceive (laid the 
" great patriot Cicero to his countrymen) an incli- 
" nation for tyranny in all Csefar projects and exe- 
" cutes*." Notwithftanding this friendly caution, 
not " till it was too late, did the people find out, 
" that no beginnings, however finally are to be neg- 
" lefted-\-" For that Csefar, who at firft attacked 
the common-wealth with mines, very foon opened his 
batteries^. Encroachments upon the rights and pro- 
perty of the citizen, are like the rollings of mighty 
waters over the breach of antient mounds : flow and 
unalarming at the beginning-, rapid and terrible in 
the current , a deluge and devaftation at the end. 

*-_~3 

Behold the oak, which ftretcheth itfelf to the moun- 
tains, and overmadows the vallies, v/as once an 
acorn in the bowels of the earth : Slavery (my 
friends) which was yefterday engrafted among you, 

already 

* Plut. Life of Cxfar. f Ib. I Ib. 



( 3 ) 

already overfpreads the land, extending its arms to 
the ocean, and its limbs to the rivers. Unclean and 
voracious animals under its covert, find protection 
and food, but the fhade blafteth the green herb, and 
the root thereof poifoneth the dry ground, while the 
winds which wave its branches fcatter peflilence and 
death. 

Regular government is necefiary to the preferva- 
tion of private property and peribnal fecurity. With- 
out thefe, men will defcend into barbarifm, or at 
befc become adepts in humiliation and krvility , but 
they will never make a progrds in literature or the 
ufeful arts. Surely a proficiency in arcs and Sciences 
is of fome value to mankind, and deferves fome 
confideration. What protection of property when 
miniflers ihall overrun the land with mercenary 
legions ? What perfonal fafety, when a Britifh ad- 
mmiftration (fuch as it now is, and corrupt as it 
may be) pour armies into the capital, and lenate- 
houfe,-- point their artillery againft the tribunal of 
juftice, and plant weapons of death at the polls of 
our doors * ? 

x 

Thus expofed to the power, and infulted by the 
arms of Britain STANDING ARMIES become an 
object of ferious attention. And as the hiftory of 
mankind affords no inltance of fuccefsful and con- 
firmed tyranny, without the aid of military forces, 
we ihall not wonder to find them the defiderata of 
princes, and the grand object of modern policy. 
What, though they fubdue every generous paffion 
and extinguim every Ipark of virtueall this mutt 

be 

* All this, and much more, hath Bofton been witnefs to. 



( 3' 

be done, before empires will fubmit to be ex- 
haufled by tribute, and plundered with impunity. 

Amidft all the devices of man to the prejudice 
of his fpecies, the inftitution of which we treaty 
hath proved the mod extenfiveiy fatal to religion, 
morals, and focial happinefs. Founded in the moft 
malevolent diipofitions of the human breafl, dif- 
guifed by the policy of (late, fupported by the 
lufts of ambition, THE SWORD hath Ipread havock 
and mifery throughout the world. By the aid 
of mercenary troops, the finews of war, the pro- 
perty of the fubject, the life of the common-wealth 
have been committed to the hands of hirelings, 
whofe intereft and very exiftence, depend en an 
abufe of their power. In the lower clafs of life, 
STANDING ARMIES have introduced brutal debau- 
chery and real cowardice , in the higher orders of 
flate, venal haughtinefs and extravagant difiipation. 
In fhort, whatever are the concomitants of de- 
fpotifm-, whatever the appendages of oppreflion, 
this ARMED MONSTER hath fpawned or nurtured, 
protected or eflablifhed , monuments and fcourges 
of the folly and turpitude of man ! 

Review the armament of modern princes : 
what fentiments actuate the military body ? what 
characters compofe it ? Is there a private centinel 
of all the innumerable troops that make fo bril- 
liant a figure, who would not for want of property 
have been driven from a Roman cohort, whenfol- 
dm 3 were the defenders of liberty * ? 

Booty and blind fubmifiion, is the fcience of the 
camp. When lufc, rapacity, or refentment incite, 

whole 

* See Rouffeau's Social Comp. 202. 



(C 
(C 

tc 



whole battalions proceed to outrage. Do their 
leaders command obedience muft follow. " Pri- 
vate foldiers (faid Tiberius Gracchus from the 
Roman roftrum) fight and die to advance the 
wealth and luxury of the great." *. " Soldiers 
(faid an eminent Puritan in his fermon preached in 
this country more than 130 years ago) are com- 
monly men who fight themfelves fearlefsly into the 
mouth of hell for revenge, booty, or a little re- 
venue : a day of battle is a day of harveft for 
the devil." Soldiers, like men, are much the fame 
in every age and country. 

" Heroes are much the fame, the point's agreed, 
" From Macedonia's madman to the Sweed." 

What will they not fight for whom will they not 
fight againft ? Are thele the men, who take up 
arms with a view to defend their country and its 
laws? Do the ideas or the feelings of the citizen 
actuate a Britifh private on entering the camp f ? 
Excitements, generous and noble like thefe, are far 
from being iheftimuH of a modern phalanx. The 
general of an army, habituated to uncontrolled 
command, feels himfelf abfolute : he forgets his 
fuperiors, J or rather defpifes that civil authority, 
which is deftitute of an energy to compel his obe- 
dience. His foldiers (who look up to him as their 
fovereign, and to their officers as magiftrates) lofe 
the fentiments of the citizen and contemn the 

laws. 

* Plut. Life Tib. Grac. f See I Bla. Com. p. 307. 

" It is grown a principle among the army (an ill nurfery 
for young men) that Parliaments are roots of rebellion." Sir Johiif 
Hotham in the houfe of commons 1673. Grey's debates in Pai- 
liartent, 2 vol. 7.03. 



( 33 ) 

laws. Thus a will and a power to tyrannize becon 
united ; and the ejfctls are as inevitable and fatal in 
the political, as the moral world. 

The ioidiers of Great-Britain are by the mutin . 
act deprived of thole legal rights which belong to 
the meaneil: ; their fellow- fubjects, and even to 
the viieil malefactor*. Thus diverted of thole rights 
and privileges which render Britons the envy of all 
other nations, and liable to fuch hardfoips and pu- 
mfoments as the limits and mercy of our known 
laws utterly difallow , it may well be thought they 
are perlbns bcft prepared and mod eaiily tempted to 
ftyp others of their rights, having already loft their 
own-f-. Excluded, therefore, from the enjoyments 
which others pofiels, like Eunuchs of an Eaftern 
feraglio, they envy and hate the reft of the com- 
munity, and v-irkdulge a malignant plealure in de- 
stroying thofe privileges to which they can never be 
admitted J. How eminently does modern oblerva- 

tion verity that fentiment or" Baron Montefquieu- 

a ilave living among free- men will foon become a 



A very frnall knowledge of the human breaft, 
and a little confideration of the ends for which 
we form into focieties and common-wealths, dilco- 
ver the impropriety and danger of admitting inch 
an order of men to obtain an eilablifhrrient in me 
ftate : the annals and experience of every age mew, 
that it is noi only abfurdity and folly but diftrac- 
tion and madnefs. But we in this region of the 
earth ^have not only to dread and \ltruggle witli 
-the -natural and comrnoa calamities refuking from 

iucli . miiitarv 'bodies, but the combined clan- 
* ' 



gers 



* See i vol. Lds. Frot. 280, Anno 1717- t ^- 283. 
J Monteiq. Sp. Lav.. 5, i;. 12. and i Bla. C:m. 416. 
See Sp. Laws 348, 2 Kdit. 



( 34 ) 

g;ers arifing from AN ARMY OF FOREIGNERS, fta* 

7 

tioned in the very bowels of the land. Infatuated 
Britons have been told and as often deceived, that 
an army of natives would never opprefs their own 
countrymen. But Casfar, and Cromwell, and an 
hundred others have enflaved their country with 
fuch kind of forces. And who does not know 
that lubalterns are implicitly obedient to their offi- 
cers , who when they become obnoxious are eafily 
changed, as armies to ferve the purpofes of ambi- 
tion and power are foon new modelled. But 
as to America, the armies which infeft her mores 
are in every view FOREIGNERS, dilconnecled with 
her in intereft, kindred, and other focial alliances : 
who have nothing to loie, but every thing to gain 
by butchering and oppreffing her inhabitants. But 
yet worfe : their inroads are to be palliated, their 
outrages are to receive a fanction and defence from 
a Parliament whofe claims and decrees are as unrigh- 
teous, as the adminiftration is corrupt ; as bound- 
lefs as their ambition, and as terrible as their power. 
The ufurpation and tyranny of the Decemviri of 
Rome are reprefented as fingularly odious and op- 
prefilve : but even they never afTumed what Britain 
in the face of all mankind hath avowed and exercifed 
over the Colonies : the power of faffing laws merely 
en her own authority. " Nothing that we prop of e (faid 
" they to the people) can pafs into a law without 
" your confent. Be yourielves, ye Romans, the au- 
" thors of thofe LAWS ON WHICH YOUR HAPPINESS 

" DEPENDS." 

4 The dominion of all great empires degrades 
c and debates the human fpecies*'. The domini- 
on of Britain is that of a mighty empire. Her 

laws 

* See i Dr, Robertfon's hill. CharL 5. p. 3. 



( 35 ) 

laws wafte our fubftance, her placemen corrupt our 
morals, and her armies are to break our fpirits. 
Yes, are they not to do more i " To fpoil, to 
" flaughter, and to commit every kind of violence j 
" and then to call the manoeuvre by a lying name 
" GOVERNMENT ; and when they have fpread a ge- 
" neral devaftation, call it PEACE*." In the bar- 
barous maflacres of France, in the i6th century, the 
very hangmen ref ufed obedience to the cruel mandates 
of the French monarch, laying they were legal officers^ 
and only executed thofe the laws condemned. Yet hif- 
tory bears testimony that the foldiers performed the 
office which the hangman ref ufed -\-. Who then can 
be at a lofs for the views of thofe who were fo 
fond of introducing, and tenacious of obtaining, 
Jtmilar peace-officers in this obnoxious capital J ? But 
let all fuch yes, let Great-Britain confider the na- 
ture of mankind j let her examine carefully the 
hiftory of paft events, and attend to the voice of 
experience. 

In the fame age we have juft mentioned, the 
Low-Countries, then fubjedt to the crown of Spain, 
being perfecuted by the court and church 
of that kingdom, rofe up to refift their op- 
prefibrs. Upon which, in the year 1567, the 
Duke of Alva was fent, and entered the country 
with a well-appointed army, ten thoufand ftrong , 
in order to quell and punifh the infurgents. Ter- 
rified with thefe martial operations, the towns 

F 2 fuffered 

* Part of a noble fpeech recorded by Tacitus (vita Agric.) of an 
old Britoiuto his followers, exciting them to free their country, 
then a Province of Rome, from the yoke of bondage, 

f See the life of Theod. Arip. D'Aubigne, p. 38. 

J Whoever wants information of the fpirit, cruelty and rapine of 
foldiers quartered in popular cities, let them perule the firit 
book of the elegant and ^uftruftive hiftory, written by the 
terly hand of Tacitus. 



fuffered the open breach of their charters, and the 
people fubmitted to the mod humiiis:ing .inftradtion 
of their liberties j while Aiva, .being inveitey with 
the government, e recced the court of twelve, cal- 
led ibe council of Hood, i :d ca.ufed great numbers 
to be condemned and executed on account of the 
infurrections. . Univerfal cc nplaints enfued on this 
difuie of the ordinary courts of law and the introduc- 
tion of the army : but complaints were in vain, 
and ail murmurs defpikd. The people became en- 
raged ; but without a leader, they were over-awed, 
" The army (fays Sir William Temple) was fierce 
and brave, and defirgus of nothing fo ynucb as a re- 
bellion of ibe country?' All was ieizure and procefs, 
cdnfifcafipn and imprilbnment^ blood and horror } 
infolence and dejection, punilhments executed, and 
meditated revenge. But though the multitude 
threatened vengeance* the threats, of a broken and 
unarmed people excited contempt and not fear,^ 
Aiva redoubled! his impofitions and rayages, his 
edicts iv ere publifljed for raijing monies without the con- 
fen t of the flat e^ and his foldurs were called to levy the 
exafiicns by force,- But the event fhevved, that the 
timidity and tamenefs of mankind, like every 
thing human, will have a period. The patience of 
the mlferable fufferers came to an end ; and thole 
commotions began which deluged great part of Eu- 
rope with blood, and finally freed THE UNITED 
PROVINCES from the yoke of Spain and the inquifi- 
pon. What conflicts too (harp --what horrors too 
dreadful to endure for fuch a happy deliverance 
fuch a glorious ilfue ? Thus " the firfl period of 
the Low-country troubles (fays the fame ingeni- 
ous writer) proved to King Philip (of Spain) a 
dear experience^ how little the boldeil armies and 
bed conduct are able to withftand the torrent of 
a ftubborri and enraged people, which ever bears dl 

down 



( 37 ) 

down before it, till it be divided into different channels 
by arts; or by chance , or till the fprings, which are 
the humours that fed it, come to be fpent, or dry 
up of themfelvesV 

During feveral centuries, hiftory informs us, 
that no monarch in Europe was either fo bold, 
or fo powerful, as to venture on any fleps to- 
wards the introduction of regular troops. At 
lalt, Charles the yth of France, feizing a favour- 
able opportunity in 1445, executed that which his 
predeceffors durft not attempt, and eftablifhed the 
firft (landing army known in Europe. Lewis the 
nth, fon and fucceiTor of Charles, finding him- 
felf at the head of his father's forces, was natu- 
rally excited to extend the limits of his anceftors, 
in the levies of money and men. Charles had 
not been able to r?ife upon his fubjedts two mil- 
lions, but the ai / he left his fuccefibr enabled 
him to levy near ive. The father eilablifhed an 
army of about teventeen hundred, which " he kept 
in good order .-nd placed for the defence of the 
realm ;" but thi< army, though thus difciplined 
and ftationed, enabled the fon to maintain " in 
continual pay a terrible band of men of arms, 
which gave the realm (fays the Hiftorian Phi- 
lip de Commines) a cruel wvund, of which it 
bled many years f. 53 How regular, correfpon- 
dent, and uniform are the rife and progrefiion of 
military calamities in all ages ! How replete with 
inftruclion--how full of admonition are the memo- 
rials of diftant times especially when contracted 

into 

* See Temple's obf. upon the United Provinces, p. 15, 16, 

17, .19. 

f Sixth Book of the Hift, of Ph. De Ccmmines, p. 206. 
Condon Edit. 1614. 



44 
1C 



tc 
cc 
cc 
cc 



into the view, and held up in comparifon with th& 
prefent. 

Charles and Lewis having fet the example, all 
the neighbouring crowned heads foon followed, 
and mercenary troops were introduced into all 
the confiderable kingdoms of the continent. They 
gradually became the only military force that was 
employed or traded. It has long been (fays the 
learned Dr. Robertfon) the chief objeft of policy to 
increaie and fupport them, and the great aim of 
Princes or minijters to dif credit^ and to annihilate all 
ether means of national activity or defence*. Who 
will wonder at this, who reflect, that abfolute mo- 
narch ;?s are eftablilhed, and can only be fuppor- 
ted by mercenary forces ? Who can be furprized, 
that princes and their fubalterns dilcourage a mar- 
tial fpirit among the people, and endeavour to ren- 
der ufelefs and contemptible the militia? v/hen this 
inftitution is the natural (Ircngth, and only liable 
Safeguard, of a free country -f ? ct Without it, it 
* 6 is folly to think any free government will ever 
" have feeurity and (lability J." A (landing army 
in quarters will grow effeminate and diffolute ; 
while a militia, uniformly exercited with hard la- 
bour, are naturally firm and robuil. Thus an ar- 
my in peace is worfe than a militia ; and in war, 
a militia will foon become diiciplined and martial. 
But " when the fword is in the hands of a fmgle per- 
" fon as in our constitution he will always (lays 
'.'.'' . " the 

* Hiil. Charl. 5. i vol. p. 95. See alfo 2 Macaulay's Hiflw of 
England, p. 165. Sir John Philip's Speech in the Britifh Houfe 
of Commons, 1744. Debates of the Commons, 2 vol. p. 6j. 

f Our trained bands are the trueil: and moil proper ilrength of 
a free nation. Eikonoklailes of John Milton, 

Hume, 278. 



cc 

Ci 

tt 

4t 
1C 



( 39 ) 

i 

the ingenious Hume) negledt to difcipline the 
militia *, in order to have a pretext for keeping 
up a Handing army. 'Tis EVIDENT, (fays the 
fame great character ) that this is a mortal diftem- 
per in the BRITISH government-, of which it 
muft at latt inevitably ferijh f." What a defor- 
med monfter is a Handing army in a free nation ? 
FREE, did I fay ? What people are truly free, whofe 
monarch has a numerous body of armed mercenaries 
at his heels ? Who is already a bio lute in his power 
or by the breath of his nolirils may in an inftant 
make himfelf ib ? 

No free government was ever founded or ever 
preferved it's liberty, without uniting the characters 
of citizen and foldier in thofe deftined for defence 
of the {late. The fword mould never be in the 
hands of any, but thofe who have an intereft in 
the farety of the community, who fight for their 
religion and their offspring; and repel invaders 
that they may return to their private affairs and 
the enjoyment of freedom and good order. Such 
are a well regulated militia compofed of the free- 
holders, citizen, and huibaridman, who take up arms 
to preferve their property as individuals, and their 
rights as freemen. Such is the policy of a tru- 
ly wife nation, and fuch was the wifdom of the 
antient Britons. The primitive conllitution of a 
Hate in a few centuries fails to decay : errors 
and corruptions creep gradually into the admini- 
ftration of government 'till pofterity forget or 
difregard the inftitutions of their remote anceilors. 

In 

Of a like opinion vvas Sir Thomas Lee in Charles the ad'i 
jeign. See Grey's debates, 2 vo!. 3^1. 

* Hun-e 2-0, 



( 40 ) 

In antient time, THE MILITIA of England was 
raifed, officered, and conduced by' common confent. 
It's militia was the ornament of the realm in 
peace, and for ages continued the only and 
lure defence in war. Was the King himfelf ge- 
neral of an army it was by the confent of bis peo- 
fle. Thus when the Romans yifited the ifland of 
Britain, Cafiibelan was the Prince and chief com- 
mander in war ; but it was by the eleftion of the 
great Common Council, Summa belli (fays Csfar) 
COMMUNI CONCILIO, Cajfibelano traditur. Nor will 
this feem flrai;ge, when we confider that it was 
the firft {late rnaxim \vith the Druids ne loqui de 
republica, ni/i per concilium not even to fpeak up- 
on a matter of ftate but in council. Nor is it to 
be wondered that fuch politicians informed Caefar, 
that they had been fo long accuftomed to liberty, 
that they knew not the meaning of tribute and 
Jlavery , and fent him word, that they had as good blood 
as he, and from the fame fountain. Surely a mef- 
iage that was received by a Roman, may be 
fent to a Britim Caefar. Thefe were thofe ve- 
nerable Druids, who had infpired the Gauls, of 
whom Csefar reports this memorable boaft, " We 
can call or appeal to fuch a Great Common ^Council^ 
as all the world cannot refill." Tacitus, fpeaking 
of our Saxon anceftor, relates, Reges ex nobilitate, 
Daces ex inrtufc in hfdem conciliis etiguntur. The 
great council, or the parliament of the ftate, had, 
not only the appointment of the priftcipes milititf, 
but the conduct of ail military forces, from the 
fir ft ereclicii of the ftandard to it's lodgment 
in the Citadel \ for . as, the fame noble writer 
informs, it was their general cuftorn not to in- 
tntft any man with the bearing of arms, antequarn 

CJVITAS 



( 4? } 

<j I VITAS fiiffcSnnim frolai'cril. Si:ch was the fecu- 

ntv oi the people from the calamities of a itandmp- 

" * * . '-^ 

army: --happy indeed if iheir lliccellbrs, could bo ait 
a iimiiar provifion. Britain would not trow be oroan- 
ing under opprcilion nor her diirant children itrug- 
gling for their freedom. 

O ' - ' 

A ipirited nation thus embodied in a well dif- 
ciplined militia, will loon become warlike, and fuch 
a people more fitted for action than debate, al- 
ways haften to a conclufion on the fubject of grie- 
vances and public wrongs, and bring their deli- 
berations to the fhorteft iifue. With them " it is 
" the work of but one day, to examine and refolve 

the nice queition, concerning the behaviour 

A **J 

of fubjeclis towards a ruler who abuies his 



cc 

tt 



" power * 



Artful dl/iemblings, and plauiible pretences, are 
always adopted in order to inirodiice regular troops. 
Dionyfius became the tyr , of Syracuicr, the moit 
opulent of all the Grecian cities, by feigning a foli- 
citude for the people, and a fear oi his own perlbn. 
He humbly prayed only a '.' d for his protection : 
they eaflly granted, whac he readily too!:-- the power 
of plundering by milr'^ry force, and entailing his 
fqyereignty by n deviie or his (word. Agathocles, a 
fucceftor to the Oionyfian family, and to the com- 
mand of the army, continued the military tyranny, 
and butchered the enllaved people by centuries. 

A X i 

Cardinal Ximer.es, who made the firil innova- 
tion .of this kind in Soain, diisruiied the meafune 

i . 

under the pious and popular appearance of refilling 
the progreis of the Infidels. The Nobles faw his views, 
and excited oppoficion in the chief tov.ns of the 

G kingdom, 

* See Dr. Robertfcn's Rift, of Scotland, i vol. p. 304, 5, 



( 42 ) 


I 

kingdom. But by dexteroufly ufing terror and in- 
treaty, force and forbearance, the refractory cities 
were brought to compliance. The nobles thus, driven 
to delperate reiblutions by the Cardinal's military 
movements, at a perfonal interview were warm and in- 
temperate. When the Arch-prelate infenfibly led them 
towards a balcony, from which they had a view of a 
large body of troops under arms, and a formidable 
train of artillery. " Behold, (fays he, pointing to thefe, 
" and raifing his voice) the powers which I have re- 
" ceived from his Catholick majefty. With thefe I 
<c govern Caftik^ and with thefe I will govern it" Nobles 
and people difcovered it was now too late for refiftance: 
to regret pad folly, and dread future calamities, was 
the remaining fate of the wretched Caftilians. After 
the Romans quitted the iiland of Britain, the firft 
appearance of a (landing army was under Richard 
the fecond. The fuppreffion of his enemies in Ire- 
land calling him out of England, his fubjects feized 
che opportunity, and dethroned him. 

Henry the yth, a character odious for rapacity and 
fraud, was the firft King of England who obtained a 
permanent military band in that kingdom. It was 
only a band of fifty archers :^~ with the harmlefs 
appellation of Yeomen of the guards. This apparently 
trivial inftitution was a precedent for the greateft po- 
litical evil that ever infefted the inhabitants of 
Britain. The oftenfible pretext was tbe dignity of 
government "the grandeur of majefty :" * the 
alteration of the constitution, and an increafe of 
power was the aim of the prince. An early " op- 
" pugnation of the King's authority" tho* no doubt 
his favourite fubalterns would have ftiled it " HL- 
" TIMED," f had eafily effected that difbanding 

4 ' " ' ' ' of 

* See Rapin. t See the late Cover. Bernard's Speeches, 



T 43 ) 

of the new raifed forces, which being a little 
while delayed, no fubfequcnt ftrnggles have ac- 
complifhed. The wifdom of refiftance at tbe be- 
ginning, has been repeatedly inculcated by the wife 
and liberal-minded of all nations, and the expe- 
rience of every age hath confirmed their inftruc- 
tion. But no precept or example can make the 
bulk of maniiind wife for tbemfehes. Tho* cau- 
tioned (as we have feen) * againil the projects of 
Casfar, the fmiks of his benignity deceived the Ro- 
man Common-wealth, till the increafe of his 
power bid defiance to oppofition. Celebrated 
for his generofity and magnificence, his compla- 
cency and companion -f, the complaifant courtier 
made his way into the hearts of his countrymen. 
They would not believe, tho* admonifhed by 
the bell of men and firft of patriots J, that the 
failing C<efar would filch away their liberties, that 
a native born and bred a Roman would enilave 
his country the land of his fathers the land 
of his birth the land of his pofcerity . But 
the ambitious Caefar aiming at authority, and 

CaMar 

* See before, p. 3 1 . f See Salluir,. 

t M. T. Cicero. See Plut. Life of Csfar. 

A limilar infatuation hath, oftner than oace, prevailed in this 
Province : an inilance of which we have in the time of 
Governor Dudley. This Gentleman " after he had been agent 
** for the Country, tacked about, and joined with the imtru- 
** ments that overthrew the charter, and accepted an illegal 
" and arbitrary Commiffion from King James, by which he held 
" the Government, until the arrival of Sir Edmund Androfs ; 
'* and then was, (as President of the Council, and Chief Judge 
" of the territory,) a chief tod of all the enfuing, barba- 
" rous, and infamous administration. After his appoint- 
" ment to the Government his conducl: was of die fame tex- 
'* ture with his former life: (it was his Son Paul, who wrote 
" to England that this Country would never be worth living 
* in, for Lawyers and Gentlemen, till THE CHARTER is 

G 2 "TAKEN 



( 44 ) 

C^efar nnned ni:d intoxicated with power, appear 
in very different characters. He \vho appeared with 
e rn-ildnefs of a fine gentleman, in his pri- 
mseval flate, in an advanced fiation conducted 
wilh tlie-lternntfs or a tyrant. Qppofed by a tri- 
bune of the people in taking vic-usy cut of tie pub- 
lick ireckry c.^air.^ ibe laws* Creiar "WITH AN ARMY 

J (. /. i .' 

AT HIS HEEL! proclaimed " arms and laws do 
*' not flourifo together" " If you are not pleafed, 
" f added the uliirper) with what I am about, vou 

^ * ' * 4 

4C have nothing to do but to withdraw. Indeed 
<~ war will noc bear much liberty of fpeech. 
When I fay this, I am departing i v orn my own 
4C ri^ht. For you, and all, I hnve fouiid exciting 
c - c a [pint of faftion ' : a^ainii me, are at tnv diibolal. 3 

JJ. - * J O ' J 

Saying this, he approached the doors of t'bc trea- 
1 y, as the keys were not produced, he il-nt bis 
rk-r.-:en to break them cpc-\-. This is the com- 
plailant C:eiar renowned for his amiable quali- 
ties : by his eaiy addrefs he deceived, and by 
his arts enflav^d his countrymen and prepared 
the way for a iiicceeclmg Nero to fpoil and 
daughter them.- Singular and very remarkable 
iuve been the interpoiitipns of Providence in fa- 
vour 

'* TAKEN AWAY.") Yet fud: v/a.s tlie clelufion at that 

cay. ; Son-jc of the Counc' 1 ;. jld frwly believe charitably 
" cf him becnnie b'a fa:- -.'.'. :;!'/J. iatercji were here, and there- 
" i\;rc thought it iinreafbnable to believe he would do ;iny 
" t.'.i ; i^- t!:;u ihould hurt his Couniiy."' Sje a Book publifU-'J 
in London, al;out 1708, intit-ed, " Tlie deplorable ftate of 
New-England, by rcafon of a covetous r.nd trcfichrrcus Go- 
" vcrnor, and/z//f////oj Counfellors." p. 3 & 9, <&c. 



* Juflice was f&Sticn in ancient Rome, as well as modern Britain, 
S-jc Macaulej's hill. 405. Mcniaga's rile and lali oi" tiu An- 
cient Repub. 275. 



t 



.; T <" I" /^ r 

rlut. L,i:e oi Ladar, 



( 45 ) 

voiir of New- England : the permifiion of an early 
carnage in our r :rcets, peradventure, v. . 5 o a \vakcn 
us from dit ger - a of being -politely bv^uiled 
into fecurity, and frandfidly drawn into bund age: 
a Hate that tooner or later ends in rapine and blood. 
-Shall we be too enL.i Tultic, if \ve attribute to the 
Divine influence, th..t unexpected good which hath. 
Jo oft -n ih -.ar day been brought out of pre- 
meditated evil ? Few, comparatively, of the many 

miichicfs aimed as;ainil us, but what have tcrmi- 

. 

nated in fome advantage, or are now verging to 
fome happy iiTue. - It the dexterity of veteran 
troops have not excited envy, if their outrage 
hath not provoked revenge, their military cliici- 
pline hath fet a welLtimed example, and their 
javage fury been a well- improved incentive. The 
lufts of an enemy may touch a ieniibility of 
ipind, and his very pride pique the virtue of the 
heart. 

Fleets which appeared formidable, and armies 
which threatened deftrtiction, have cither vapoured 
away with empty parade, or executed their mii- 
chievous defiens with rafhnefs and follv. To com- 

O j 

penfate the infuh, and repair the injury, Provi- 
dence hath cauied diefe armaments to fcau^r much 
wealth, and dirTuie abroad a martial palTiofi : - 
a paffion, which hath proved ib contagious, that 
our MILITIA are advanced a century, at leafr, in 

^ ' 

discipline and improvements. Where are the peo- 
ple who can com pole a militia of better men, more 
expert in the uie of arms, and the conduct oi 
the field, than we can now call forth into action ? 
A mihda who a few years i-L'o, knew near as much 
the fcience of Algebra, as ot the art military. 







Thus hoftile invafions have roufed among us the 

GENIUS 



( 46 ) 

GENIUS of War: -that Genius, which under GOD, 
will conduct us with fafety and honour- - with tri- 
umph and glory. 

Surely we may fay of our adverfaries , in the 
net, which they hid, is their own foot taken^ and they 
are fnared in the wickednefs of their own hands. 
Our enemies the laft ten years have been em- 
ployed to weave a fpider's web and hatch the eggs of 
a Cockatrice : consuming iheir own bowels by what they 
have weavedy and deftroyed by what they have 
brought forth. Thus Goliah is killed with his own 
Jkuerdj Hainan hanged upon his own gallows *. Mar- 
vellous were the doings of GOD in the eyes of our 
fathers ; ncr lefs aftonifhing are his works in the 
days of their progeny -J-. 

Charles the lid told his Parliament, their " jca- 
u loufy* that the forces he had rais'd were defigned 
" to c&ntroul law and property^ was weak and 
" frivolous ." The cajolement took for a feafon, 
but his iubjedts having been abufed by repeated 

violations 



* Thus alfo the Bifhop of VerJun, who was the modern contriver 
of a new fpecies of State-prifon (for which, many have curfed 
him) was by the righteous difpenfation of Providence, firft put 
into it himfelf and confined " in the cruel prilbn J; fourteen 
years. Phil. De Com. Hill. p. 216. 

f It was an obfervation applied by the firft fettlers of New-Eng- 
land to their great conlblation, that when wicked rjen are 
tieareft their hopes ^ godly men are furtbeft from their fears, be- 
caufe the infolence and cowardice of the wicked ufually engag^ 
GOD to defeat their defign. 

I Speech to both Houles, February 1672, and 7 Grey's Deb. in 
Parl. p. 26. 



( 47 ) 

violations of his moft folernn vows, at laft rouzed 
from their lethargy , and the King began to dread 
the feverity of their vengeance. He therefore kept 
xip a ftanding army, not only againft law, but the 
repeated reiolutions of every Parliament of his reign. 
He found that corruption without force could not 
confirm him a tyrant, and therefore cherifhed and 
augmented his troops to the deftru6lion of his people 
and the terror of his fenators. " There go cur ma- 
44 fters*" was a common faying among the mem- 
bers of Parliament. " No law can reflrain thefe 
u people ; houfes are taken from us, our lives are 
" in danger," (faid one member in Parliament.) 
4 Without betraying our truft, (faid RuiTel) we muit 
c vote thefe Handing forces a grievance. There 

* are defigns about the King, to ruin religion and 

* property. Public bufmels is the lead of their 
c concern. A few upftart people making hay while 

* the fun mines, fet up an army to eftablifh their 
4 intereft : I would have care taken for the future, 

* that no army be raifed for a cabal-intereft. A 

* Gentleman faid the laft fefiion, that this war was 
4 made rather for the army, than the army for the 

* war. This government^ with a ftandmg army, can 

* NEVER BE SAFE : We cannot be fecure in thishoufei 

* and fome of us may have our heads taken 



Patriots harangued in vain the Commons voted 
the Keeping up the army illegal and a grievance 
but while they thus did, they openly betrayed a 
dread of that army. " I would not give an alarm 
" to thofe who have arms in their hands,' 3 faid one 
member \ " I cannot but obferve that the Houfe of 

" Commons 

* Johnfon's Works, p. 312. 

f Grey's Debates, 2 vol. p, 219393, 



( 43 ) 

" Commons is now in fear of the antiy," faid An- 
other*. Plain as it was for what end the army was 
kept up, the people (lumbered. 

The exigencies of the times called for fomething 
rv : thin votes &r\& pafer-refolutions. What was the 
* ^r.iequence of this national cowardice and inactivity ? 
: gland law herfelf engaged in the expence of 
600,000 Pounds fterling, to pay an army and fleet, 
which certainly (fays Rapin) had not been prepared 
" TO mc:ke war with France^ 0R FOR THE SECURITY 
*'* OF ENGLAND." Spirited relblves may pleafe the 
ear ; fenatorial eloquence may charm the eye, but 
thele are not the weapons with winch to combat ftand- 
ing'armies: thele were not thofe, which freed this 
Capital from flationed regiments; they are not thok% 
which will ultimately- But I forbear: time will 
[> what I may not foretel. 



The Brlrifh Court, never deftitute of plaufibilities 
to deceive, or inventions to enthral the nation, ap- 
propriated monies, raifed by Parliament for the 
purpofe of difbanding the army, to their continu- 
ance T, and uniformly pprfued fimilar meafures, 
till in the year 1684, " the King in order to make his 
" people fenfible of their new flavery^ affefted to 
cc mufter his troops, which amounted to 4000 well- 
" armed and difciplinedt. 33 If Rapin denominated 
ic ;hi all an armament, tbe Jlavery of the fubject 
ur.dcr Charles the lid- \vhat would he call the 
itate of :vrirons under George the third? With 
4000 troops, the kingdom it Icems, was reduced to 
krviiude : but the ipirit of the nation loon afe-r 



role. 



* 7 Grey's Debates in Parl. p. 71, z, 3. 
f ijee King's Speech, October 1678. 
j Rapin. 



f 49 ) 

i 

rofe. In 1685, complaint was made in Parliament, 
" that the country WP.S weary of the opprefiian, and 
" plunder of the foldiers -" " the army (it was laid) 
" debauched the manners of all the people, their 
tc wives, daughters and fervants *." The grievance 
became intolerableand what was happy, it was 
not too mighty for oppofition, James the fecond, 

had only 14. or 15,000 troops,* and no rioc act. 

The barbarities of a Kirk, and the campaign of a 
Jefferies, could not pals with impunity. THE RE- 
VOLUTION fua ceded, and James abdicated his throne. 
-^Such was the fate cf one, who vainly affecled to 
play the ddpot with about fifteen regiments : had 
he been encircled with an hundred, no doubt, he 
had reigned an applauded tyrant flattered in bis 
day, with that lying appellation " tke ivifeft and the 
" bejt of Ktngs f." 

The army of the prefent King of Great Bri- 
tain is larger than that with which Alexander iub- 

H dued 

* 3 Vol. Grey's Debates 365, 6. 

f Patri?2 Patri, Re gum cftimo, was part of an infcfiption on the 
marble ftatae creeled to Charles the fecond, as wcrthlcfs and 
odious a Prince as any in the hiitory of Kngbnd. See Rapin 
734. Fol. Edit. -Even Richard (the third) generally repre- 
(ented, both as a monfter in perfon and difpofition-, h-ith how- 
ever had panep-yrilis who affirm, that he vv.is remarkably gen- 

-. "^ ' f 

teel, and ft.-e left cf Kings. See Barring-ton's Obf. on the more 
ancient ib.tutes. p. 392, 3 

Thus that infolent tyrant, Hen. VIII. who dlfgraccd his fpccics 
by rfepfiated violations of hi-3 rnoft foleir.n vows, and the praJiice 
of open debauchery and riot ; a de.pot, who, loit to the common 
, feelings of humanity, made his laws -more bloody than thofe of 
Draco or Dionyfius, and can fed a greater number of execution?, 
than any other King of England, is characterized on the ]<>vi- 
nab of the Houfe cr Lord?, a.- a Prince of wmderous goodmfs 
ar.J i<;ifdo?n. See the fome cb-fervations 461, 2, and 473. 
Surely He who call REIGNING MONAR.CH;> <l the n^icfe and 
** left of Kings," ought always to be fufpected of burief^uc and 
farcafm, or feme thing \vc:fe. 



{ 50 ) 

dued the Eaft, or Csefar conquered Gaul. " If the 
ct army we now keep up (faid Sir John Phillips thirty 
" years ago in the Houfe of Commons) Ihould once 
" be as much attached to the Crown as Julius Cae- 
" far's army was to him, I fhould be glad to know 
ce where we could find a force fuperior to that 
" army*." Is there no fuch attachment now exiftingf? 
Surely the liberties of England, if not held at will, 
are holden by a very precarious tenure. 

The fupreme power is ever pofiefTed by thole 
who have arms in their hands, and are difciplined 
to the ufe of them. When the Archives confcious 
of a good title difputed with Lyfander about boun- 
daries, the Lacedemonian fnewed his fword, and 
vauntingly cried out, " he that is mafter of this can 
" beil plead about boundaries ." The Marmo- 
tines of Meffina declined appearance at the tri- 
bunal of Pompey, to acknowledge his jurifdiction, 
alledging in excufe, ancient privileges, granted them 
by the Romans. " Will you never have done (ex- 
** claimed Pompey) with citing laws and privileges 
" to men who wear fwcrds ." What boundaries 
will they fet to their pafiions, who have no li- 
mits to their power ? Unlimited opprefiion and 
wantonneis, are the never-failing attendants of un- 
bounded 



* See 2 Vol. Debates in the Houfe of Commons, p. 56, 7, 8. 

f By a numerous army and a fevcre riot at, you may indeed pre- 
vent mobs and riots among the people ; but if this method be 
purfued for a long time, you will make your minifters tyrant s> and 
your people flaws. Sir John Barnard's fpeech in the Britim Houle 
of Commons, 1744. 2 vol. Debat. p. 118, Qu. If this method 
hath not been thus purfued ? and Qu. Whether the prophecy is 
fulfilling, or already accomplimed in Great-Britain ? 

% Piu. Life of Lyfander. 

Plu. Life of Pompey. 



bounded authority. Such power, a veteran army 
always acquire, and being able to riot in mif- 
chief with impunity, they always do it with li- 
centioufnefs. 

Regular foldiers, embodied for the purpofe of 
originating opprefllon, or extending dominion, ever 
compafs the controul of the Magistrate. The fame 
force which preferves a defpotifm immutable, may 
change the defpot every Jday. Power is foon felt 
by thofe who poflefs it, and they who can com- 
mand will never fervilely obey. The leaders of 
the army, having become mailers of the perfoa 
of their Sovereign, degrade or exalt him at will - . 
Obvious as thefe truths may feem, and confirmed 
as they are by all hiftory f, yet a weak or wicked 
Prince is eafily perfuaded, by the creatures who 
furround him, to afb the tyrant. A character fo 
odious to fubjecls, muft necefTarily be timid and 
jealous. Afraid of the wile and good, he muft fup- 
port his dignity by the afllftance of the worthlefs 
and wicked. Standing armies are therefore raifed 
by the infatuated Prince. No fooner eftablilhed, 
than the defencelefs multitude are their firit prey. 
Mere power is wanton and cruel : the army grow 
licentious, and the people grow defperate. Dread- 
ful alternative to the infatuated monarch ! In con- 
ftant jeopardy of lofing the regalia of empire, till 
the caprice of an armed Banditti degrade him 

H 2 from 

* Whoever ufes a mercenary army (fays the great Lord Chancellor 
Bacon) tho' he may fpread his feathers for a time, he will mew 
them foon after; and raife them with ivbat dejign jcu pl-.aje, 
yet, like the Weft-India dogs, in Boccaiine, in a lutU th.;-:, 
they <ujill certainly turn Jbeep- biters. 

t See Dr, Sullivan's ledures on the laws of Er 



from fovereignty *, or the enraged people wreak ari 
indifcriminate and righteous vengeance. Alas ! 
-when will Kings learn wifdom, and mighty men, 
have undeillanding ? 

A further review of the progrefs of armies in cur 
parent-Hate, will be an ufeful, tho' not a pleafant 
employ. No particular reafon or occafion was fa 
much 'as fuggelled in the bill which palled the Par- 
liament in 1717, for keeping on foot a Handing 
army of 30,000 men in time cf peace : (a number 
fincc amazingly increafed.) An ad juftly recorded 
in the Lord's Journal, to be a precedent for keeping 
the fame army at all times, and which the proteft 
of that day foretold " MUST INEVITABLY fubwrt the 
cc ancient confttiuiicn of tie reftlm, and fubjecl: the 
" fubjetls to arbitrary pt-iver f." TO borrow the 
pointed turn of a modern orator what was. qnce 
t is now liftcry. 



powers given by the mutiny act, which 
is now conilantly palled every year, was repeatedly 
in former times u oppofed and condemned by 
cc Parliament, as repugnant to MAGNA-CHARTA, 
Ci and inconiiilent with the fundamental rights 
" and liberties of a free people J." In this fb- 
tute, no provifion is made for fecuring the obe- 
dience of the military to the civil power, on which 
the prgfervation of our conflitution depends. A 
great number of armed men governed by mar- 
tial 

4 Sir Robert Atkins (afterward^ Lord Chief Juflice of the Common 
Pleas in , England) faid in Parliament, (anno 1667) " Six 
<l Emperors in five years had their heads tumbled down by a 
<' military government." Grey's debates in Parl. i vol. p. 23, 

f See Lord's Protefl. 273. vol. 3. J. See fame Book, p, 279, 



( 53 ) 

tial law *, having it in their power,, are naturally 
iru i. HI. ^ not only to dilbbey, but to infult the civil 
irrar.ct-f : The experience of what hath hap- 
t;;l in England, as well as the memorials of all 

(--' 

b and nations have made it fufficiemly apparent, 
ti-a, where- ever an effeffual provifion is not made 
to [ecu re the obedience of foldicrs to the laws of 
th-r'ir country, the military hath conftantly fubverted 

a vi ;w [lowed up the civil power. What pro- 

v.iijn or this knd, can the leveral Continental le- 
gi ilar arcs make agamit Britilk troops ftationed in 
fhc Colonies? Nay, if the virtue of one branch of 
government attempted the falutary meafure, would 
j,t iirft branch ever give it's content? A Gover- 
nor irutb -he will obey his mailer: the alterna- 

ncuivc is obvious. The armies quartered among 
us mtift be removed^ or they will in the end over- 
turn and trample on all that we ought to hold va- 
luable and facred. 

We have authority to affirm, that the regular 
forces of Great Britain confift of a greater number 
than are neceflary for the guard of the King's 
peifon and the defence of government, and there- 
fore dang-erous to the conditution of the kingdom. 

**j C.3 

What then do theie armaments, when eftablifhed 
fare, threaten to our laws and liberties ? Well 
might the illuftrious members of the houfe of 
Peers, in 1722, hold forth the danger of "# total 
46 alteration of the frame of our conftitmion from 
41 a legal and limited monarchy to a defpotic ;" 

and 

* A k\v unknown to our conftitution, deftrulive of our liberties, 
not indured by cut anceftors, and never mentioned in any of *jr 
liamtes, but in order to condemn it, z vol. Lord's Prot. 283. 

f Very notable inftances of this have been feen in this Province 
which will be recorded to the eternal infamy of thofe who 
JDrpoked the infult. 



\ 



ts 

4C 



( 54 ) 

and declare, they were " induced to be of this judg- 
<c ment, as well from the nature of armies, and the 
cc inconfiftency of great military power and martial 
<c lav/ with civil authority, as from the known and 
univerfal experience of other countries in Europe, 
which, by the influence and power offtanding armies^ 
in time of peace^ have from limited monarchies^ like 
" our Si been changed into abfolute *." The taxes ne- 
ceiTary to maintain a Handing army, drain and im- 
poveriih the land. Thus exhaufted by tribute, the 
people gradually become fpiritlels, and fail an eafy 
faerifice to the reigning power. 

Spirits, like Britons, naturally fierce and indepen- 
dent, are not eafily awed or fuddenly vanquiihed 
by the fword. Hence, an augmentation of forces 
hath been pufhed, when there was no defign of 
bringing them into action ao-ainft Engliihmen in 

CJ *? C5 O 

an open field. New forces have oftener than once 
been railed in England, more for civil than mili- 
tary fervice ; and as elections for a new parliament 
have approached, this door has been opened to in- 
troduce a large body of commiffiened Penfiomr$ -f . 
What hath been the confequence ? A coniiant ma- 
jority of placemen meeting under the name of a 
Parliament, to eftablifo grievances inftead of redref- 
fmg them-- - to approve implicitly the meafures of 
a court without information to fupport and fcreen 
miniilers v;hom they ought to comroul or punifh 
to grant money without right, and expend it with- 
out difcretion ? Have thefe been the baneful con- 
ieqnences ? Are thefe folemn truths ? Alas ! we 
tremble to think : but we may venture to fay, 
th?.: when this is true of that legiilative autho- 
rity, 

See i vol. Lord's Prot. 377, 8. 
f See 2 vol. Lord's Prot. p. 162. 



( 55 ) 

rity, which not only claims, (but excrcffes) ct full 
" power and authority to make laws and ftatutes 
" to bind the colonies and people of America IN 
ftc ALL CASES whatfoever * ;" -the FORMS of our con- 
ftitution, creating a fatal dclufion y will become our 
greateft grievance. 

The FORMALITIES of a free, and the ends of a 
defpotic {late, have often fubfifted together. Thus 

deceived was the Republic of Rome : Officers 

and Magiftrates retained their old names : the 

FORMS of the ancient government being kept up, 
the fundamental laws of the Commonwealth were 
violated with impunity, and it's once free conftitu- ' 
tion utterly annihilated -f- . He who gave Auguitus 
C^far the advice " that to the officers of ftate the 
" fame names, pomp and ornaments, mould be con- 
" tinned, with all the appearances of authority^ with* 
" out the power "$." discovered an intimate acquain- 
tance with mankind. The advice was followed, 
and Caefar foon became Senate, magiftracy, and 
laws. Is not Britain to America, what Casiar was 
to Rome ? 

It is curious ,to obferve the various acts of im- 
pofition, which are alternately practifed by the 

great 

* See the declarative aft of the Britifh Parliament, Anno 1766. 
" From Sir Robert Walpole's day to the prefent time (1762) 
" has proved a very remarkable period in the hiibry of the 
" Britifh conftitation : No one inftance can be produced in wbicb 
** the royal bufimfs has been retarded, through the fcrupuloq&ief? 
" of the people's reprefentatives." Political efiays concerning 
the prefent ftate of the Britiih Empire. From the revolution 
to this day (1762) the meafures of the crc-jsn have UNIVEH- 
5 ALLY been the meafures of Parliament. Ib. p. 46. 

f See hereafter. 

Eadem Magiitratum vocabula, fua confulibus, fua prxtoribus 
fpecies. 



( 56 ) 

great and fubtle of this world, on their fubordinate 
and fimple- minded brethren. Are a people /ra, new 
oppreflions are introduced, or flirouded under old 
names-, are they v&prefeftt bondage^ and begin to grow 
turbulent , new appellations mult be adopted to dif- 
guife old burdens. A notable inftance of this latter 
kind we find in the Parliament of Great-Britain, (in 
g 6 Ed w. III. ch. 2.) upwards of four hundred years 
ago. The royal prerogative, called purveyance^ hav- 
ing been in vain regulated by many preceding fla- 
tutes, ftill continued Ib intolerably grievous, that frefh 
murmurs and complaints called for a more adequate, 
or better adapted provifion. The Britifh legiilature, 
for this valuable purpofe, therefore palled this very 
remarkable law ; which by way of remedy, enacted 

as follows, viz. " That the hateful NAME of pur- 

" veycr^ fhall be changed into that of Acator" Thus 
the nation v/ere to be made to believe, that the 
oppreflion ceafed, becaufe the name was altered. 

< For the honour of government, as well as 

mankind, it is devoutly to be wiflied, that our laws 
and hiftory contained no other record of fuch 

difgraceful practices. If any late acts of the 

Britilh parliament carry ftrong marks of a fimilar 
policy, it is furely, not altogether unworthy the 
confideration of the members of that auguft 

body ; how far, fuch difingenuous practices 

are confident- with the honour of their pri- 
vate characters, or the dignity of their public 
(lation. 

The magic of founds and appellations hath noe 
ceafed, and they work as much deception and a- 
bufe as ever. What valuable purpofe does a wholly 
Subordinate legiilative ferve, (except to amuie with 
the Jhadow, while the fubftancc is departed) if 

a 



( $7 ) 

a remote (late may legiflate for and bind us ",/# ^// 
" cafes .?" To what end <loth an American houfe of 
Reprefentatives go through t be forms of granting away 
monies, if another power, full as familiar with our 
pockets, may annihilate all they do -, and afterwards, 
with a modern dexterity, take poffeffion of our 
purfes without ceremony, and dilpofe of the con- 
tents without modefty ; without controul, and 
without account * ? 

.1 

It is curious and inflructive to attend the 
courfe of debate in the Britim Commons, for 
keeping up the army. At firft even the high- 
eft courtiers would argue that a (landing ar- 

O D 

my, in time- of peace* was never attempted -f : 
Soon after, the Court - fpeakers urged for con- 
tinuance of a numerous army for one year longer. 
At the end of feveral years after, the Gentle- 
men throw afide - the mail:, and boldly declare 
fuch a number of troops muft always le kept up. 
In fhort, the army mull be continued till it be- 

I , comes 

* 

* If the King could at pleafure levy the necefiary fums pf 
money (for the expences of government, &c.J he being fole 
Judge of the necefTity, both as to meafure and quantity, as 
Charles the fir ft claimed, in cafe of fhip-money, the ftate of the 
fubjecls would be precarious, and the king ivou/ff be as abfolute a 
monarch as the prefent king of France or Spain. Dr. Sullivan's 
ledures on the laws of England, 189, What is it to America, 
whether /& King or the Parliament of Great-Britain, or any other 
body natural or political, is abfolute mafter over her, and where 
is the difference between French, Spanilh, and Englifh Dragoon- 
ing? In the reign of Charles the ad, a woodeu Jhoe, fuch as the 
Peafants wear in France, was laid near the chair of the Speaker 
of the Commons-Houfe : the arms of England drawn at one 
end of it, and thofe of France at the o*>er, with thefe words in 
the interval, utrum horum mavis accipe* 2 Grey's debates, 223., 

f See Sir Robert Carr's Harangue in Parliament: 1673. Grey's 
debates, 2 vol. 220. 



cc 

<c 



cc 

6& 

cc 
c; 
c; 



comes part of the conftitution, and in later 
times members of the houfe have ventured to 
harangue for meafures, none would have dared 
to liip a few years before. The wife forefaw 
this, and the honeft foretold it. * c If we con- 
tinue the army but a little while longer (faid 
a celebrated member upwards of forty years 
ago, ) it may be in the power of fome Gen- 
tlemen to talk in this houfe * in terms that 
will be no way agreeable to the conftitution 
or liberties of our country, To tell us, that 
the fame number of forces muft be always 
kept up, is a propofition full-fraught with 
innumerable evils, and more particularly with 
this, that it may make 'wicked minifters more 
audacious than ctherwife they would be^ in pro- 
jecting and propagating fchemes which may be in- 
" ccnf.jlcnt with the liberties, dejlrul-iive of. the 
" trade ^ and bitrthenfome on the people of this na- 
" tion. In countries governed by ftanding ar- 
tc mies, the inclinations of the people are but lit- 
" tie minded, the minifters place their fecurity in 
" the army, the humours of the army they only 
* c confulr, with them they divide the fpoils, and 
*' the wretched people are plundered by both?' Who 
that now re-coniiders this prophetic language, 
in conjunction with the events of his own time, 
but will cry out the Ipeaker felt the impulfe of 
inlpiration ! 

" Whoever (fays the juftly celebrated Dr. Black- 
" (tone) will attentively confider the Englifh hiftory 
* c may obferve, that the flagrant abufe of any 
* c power^ by the crown .or it's minifters, has always 
" been productive of a ftruggle, which either dif- 

" covers 

* Commons of Great- Britain, 



( 59 ) 

" covers the exercife of that power to he contrary 
" to law, or (if legal; reftrains it for the future.*' 1 

The ingenious commentator feems here to have 
particular reference to periods prior to the revolu- 
tion. But will the learned judge fay, that, fmce 
that sera there have been no flagrant abufes of power 
by the crown or its minifters ? Have not repeated 
ilruggles arofe in confequence of fuch abufes, which 
did not terminate in the happy ifTue fo characte- 
riftic of Englimrnen ? Let any one perule the jour- 
nals of parliament, efpecially thofe of the houfe of 
peers : let him carefully review the Britilh and 
American annals, of the prefent century, and 
anfwer truly to thofe queftions. The natural en- 
quiry will be whence then is it that fuch abufes 
have ' become fo numerous and flagrant, and the 
ilruggles of Britons fo unfuccefsful ? Will not the 
queflion receive an ample folution in the words 
of the fame great lawyer? " There is a newly 
<c acquired branch of (royal) power , and that not 
c < the influence only, but THE FORCE OF A DISCI- 
<c PLINED ARMY, paid indeed ultimately by the 
c * people, but immediately by the crown \ raifed by 
" the crown, officered by the crown, commanded by the 



We are told, by the fame learned author, that 
" whenever the uncoriftitutional opprefnons, even 
" of the SOVEREIGN POWER, advance with gigan- 
" tic ft rides and threaten defoladon to a irate, 
tc mankind will not be reafoned .out of the feelings 
" of humanity, nor will lacrifice their liberty by 
" a fcrupulous adherence to thofe political maxims, 

I 2 " which 

* 3 Bla. Com. 135. f i Bla. Com. 336, 7. 



60 



^ which were eftablifhed to preferve it. *" But 
thofe who cannot be reafcned out of their feelings, 
are eafily reprefled by the terror of arms from giving 
tokens of their fenfibility ; and flates antient and 
modern (yes Britain will bear me witnefs !) who 
would difdain to facrifice their freedom to political 
inftitutions, have tremblingly flood aloof, while it 
was dragged to the altar under the banners of 
-royal army. 

The policy and refinements of men clothed with 
authority, often deceive thofe who are fubjecl: to it's 
controul ; and thus a people are often induced to 
wave their rights, and relinquifh the barriers of 
their fafety. The fraud, however, muft at laft be 
difcovered, and the nation will refume their an- 
tient liberties, if there be no force fufficient to fcreen, 
the ufurper, and defend his domination. The fword 
alone, is fufficient to fubdue that fpirit which com- 
pels rulers to their duty, and tyrants to their fenfes, 
Hence, then, though a numerous flanding army 
may not be abfolutely fequifite to deprefs a king- 
dom into fervitude, they are indifpenfably neceflary 
to confirm an ufurpation. 

A large army and revenue, are not eafily and 
at once forced upon a free people. By flow de- 
grees and planfible pretences, as we have feen in 
England, the end is accomplifhed. But when once 
a numerous body of revenue and military men, en- 
tirely dependent on the crown, are incorporated, 
they are regardlefs of any thing bun it's will : And 
where that will centers, and what fuch power can 
effecl:, is a matter of no doubtful difputation. 

. ' The 

* i Blac. Com. 245. 



6i 



frefent army of a prince is always -competed 
of men of honour and integrity, as the reigning 
monarch is ever tbe left of kings. In fuch an 
army, it is faid, you may truft your liberties with 
fafety : in fuch a king you may put your confi- 
dence without referve : the good man has not a 
wifh beyond the happinefs of his fubjects ! Yet let 
it be remembered, that under the beft of kings^ we 
ought to feize the fleeting opportunity, and pro- 
vide againft the worft. But admitting that from 
this rare character a wife and good monarch a 
nation have nothing to fear ; yet they have e^ery 
thing to dread from thofe who would clothe him 
with authority, and invetl him with powers incom- 
patible with ail political freedom a'nd focial fecu- 
rity*. France, Spain, Denmark, and Sweden, in 
modern times, have felt the baneful effects of this 
fatal policy, Though the latter ftates are faid to 
have this excellent inftitution, that the corn millions 
to their military officers all run quaftidin fc bene gejje- 
rint : a regulation which ought to be the tenure of all 
offices of public truft, and may be of angular utility 
in ftates, which have incorporated a Handing army 
as part of the conftitution of government. 

An invafion and conqueft by mere ftrangers and 
foreigners, are neither fo formidable nor difgraceful, 
as the eilablifhment of a ftanding army under co- 

lour 

* Galba had tie great eft integrity of heart : but in the court of 
Galba appeared ail the extortion of Nero's reign : and as the 
rapacny and other excefies of his minivers were imputed to him, 
Galba was no lefs hated, than if he had committed them himfelf. 
Pint, life of Galba. ---See aifo to the fame point, Gord. D;ic. on 
Tacitus, 3 vol. 19, 55, 38, 79. A Monarch juilly dignified 
with the appellation" of the \vifefl nr;d b?ft of kin.^.s" will 
furely receive fome advantage, by -attentively contemplating an 
//fir-see ib replete with inllrudion. 



lour of the municipal law of the land. Thus Ro- 
man armies were more terrible to the Roman colonies , 
than an " enemy's army *." Valor has fcope for 
action againft an open enemy, but the moft pre- 
cious liberties of a kingdom are mafTacred in cold 
blood by the difciplined Janizaries of the itate, and 
there is little hope of a general refiftance. The na- 
tural inherent right of the conquered is to throw off 
the yoke, as foon as they are able ; but fubjects en- 
flaved by the military forces of their own fovereign, 
become fpiritlefs and defpondent , and fcaffolds and 
axes, the gibbet and the halter, too often terrify 
them from thole noble exertions, which would end 
in their deliverance by a glorious victory, or an il- 
luflrious death. 

Yet in full peace, without any juft apprehenfions 
of infurreclions at home, or invafions from abroad, 
it was the mifchievous policy of the Englifh minif- 
try, in 1717, to procure an allowance of near dou- 
ble the torces to what had ever before been efta- 
bliflied by the fandtion ot parliament in times of 
public tranquillity. Well might many of the no- 
bility of Britain conceive, that as fo many for- 
ces were no ways neceflary to fupport, they had 
reafon to fear dancer to the conititution, which 

^v * 

was never entirely fubverted but by a (landing 
arrny-j-. The Englifh military bands have fince 
been much augmented ; and whether this clif- 
graceful fubverfion has already taken place, or is 
ilill verging to its accompJifhment, may be refolved, 
after a further infpedtion into memorials of the pre- 



knt age. 



* See GorJon's DiTc. on Salluft, 6. fT. 3, p. 128. 
i vol. Lord's Prot. 282. 



More 



63 

More than half a century fmce, the difcerning 
members of the houfe of Lords discovered the ten- 
dency of thefe extraordinary armaments to be no 
other than to overthrow the civil power of the kingdom^ 
and to turn it into a military government *. A very 
fhort period after this, many of the fame noble 
houfe, bore open teftimony, that they were " juft- 
" ly jealous from the experience of former times, 
" that the crown itfelf, as well as the liberties of the 
<c people might be found at the difpofal of aftanding 
"" army at home-}-" 



But as if one {landing army was not enough ip 
ruin a nation of Englijhmen^ a new kind of forces 
was railed againft the Common- wealth. The offi- 
cers employed in the cuftoms, excite, other branches 
of the revenue, and other parts of public fervice, 
compofe in effect A SECOND STANDING ARMY in En- 
gland, and in fo:ne refpects are more dangerous, than 
that body of men properly ib called. The influ- 
ence which this order have in the elections of mem- 
bers to ferve in parliament, hath been too often felt 
in Great-Britain to be denied. And we have good 
authority to fay, " that examples are not hard to 
*' find, where the military forces have withdrawn 
" to create an appearance of a free election, and 
" the flanding CIVIL forces of this kind have been fent 
" to take that freedom away J," Is a houfe of com- 
mons thus chofen, the reprefentative of the peo- 
ple, or of the adminiftfation, or of a fingle mi- 
nifber ? 

As. 

* See i vol. Lord's Prot. 315. Anno 1721. 
\ See 2 vol. Lord's Prot. 80. 
\ See 2 vol. Lord's Prot. 83. 

See fame Book and page, the Reader is defired to read 
again p. 56, and the note at p. 57. See alfo hereafter p. 68. 



6 4 

As Lewis, the xith of France, was the firit mo- 
narch in Europe who reduced corruption to a fyilem> 
ib the sra of its efrablimment in England may be 
fixed at the reign of Charles the fecond. TBritain 
then, for the fir ft time, faw CORRUPTION, like a 
tleftroying angel, walking at noon-day. Charles 
penfioned his Parliament, and by it extinguifhed not- 
only the fpirit of freedom, but the fen ti merits of 
honour and the feelings of (hame. Since the age of 

i^j L? 

Charles, the fcicnce of bribery and corruption hath 
made amazing progrefs. Patriots of the lafc century 
told their countrymen what it threatened the Wor- 
thies of this day ought rather to tell what hath been 

effected. , .. 

Near fifty years ago, there were more than two 
hundred perfbns holding offices or employments 
under the crown in the houfe of commons*. Since 
that time this body like the military (and for the 
fame puf poles) have received very notable ad- 
ditions. Is it to be wondered, then, as we verge 
nearer to our own times, we mould hear the moft au- 
guft afTembly in the kingdom declaring to the whole 
world, that " the influence of the crown is aim oft- 
" irrefiJtnblC) being already overgrown and yet in- 
crecfmg\" that " the weft valuable rights of the 
nation are fubverted by arbitrary and illegal pro- 
6 * ccedings J :" -that " a flagrant ufurpaticn" (is made 
upon the fubjecT;) " as highly repugnant to every 
" principle of the conftitution, AS THE CLAIM OF 

" SKIP-MG\ T IY BV KING CHARLES THE FIRST, GT 

" that of the difpen/ing power by king James the fe- 
cond?" 

* See Lord's Prot. p. 66, Anno 1729. 

f See Lord's Prot. S Feb. 1760. Sup. to Lord's Prot. p. 9, 

| See fame Book, p. 12. Jan. 1770. 



cc 

tc 



* c cond* ?'' Finally, considering all that we have 
feen in the courie of our review, cculd any thing 
elfe be expected, than 'what forty of the houie of 
Lords openly protefl they " have feen with great 
" uneafmefs, a plan for a long time SYSTEMATICALLY 
" carried on^ FOR LOWERING ALL THE CONSTITU- 
" TIONAL POWERS OF THE KINGDOM, rendering the 

i3 

houfe of Commons odious, and the houie of Peers 
c< contemptible f ?" 

Here let us paufe (my fellow citizens) and con* 
fider : hath the execrable plan thus fyftematically 
and for a long time pnrfued, at laft taken effeft? 
Are all the conftitutional powers of Great-Britain fa 
lowered in the eftimation of the people, that their 
reprefentatives are detefted, and tbeir nobility deffifed ? 
is their King poffeffcd of power furftcit-nt to make 
fear a fubftitute for love ? has he an cr-ny at his ab- 
folute command^ v/ith which no force i, his empire 
is able to cope? judge ye, my coun.r ^.en, of 
thefe queilions, upon which I may not decide : 
judge for yourfelves, of the political ftate of that 
kingdom, which claims a right of difpofing cf 
OUR ALL -, a right of laying every burden that 
power can impofej; a right of over-running 
our foil and freeholds with mercenary legions, and 
ftill more mercenary placemen and dependants. 
Thus luxury and riot, debauchery and havock are 

K to 

* Same book, p. 22, 3. Feb. 1770. 
t See fuppleinent to Lord's Prot. p. 29. Anno 1770. 
t " It will be proper to lay on the An&ericaus EVERY BUR- 
THEN which the hand of power can impofe, if they Ihould 
attempt to become manufacturers." Conduct of Adminiilrat.on 
examined, 1767, p. 62.- THUS Americans are to be treated for 
an attempt only to do, what is th?ir duty ^s foon as pofTible to 
effeft, and what no Power on earth can retrain, without vioiaiing 
the laws of GOD and nature. 



c< 

(( 



<t 

4C 

cc 

(C 



< 66 ) 

to become the order and peace of our cities, and the 
liability and honour of our times. To this and 
like hopeful purpofes we find " the fulleft direc- 
" tions fent to the feveral officers of the revenue, 
" that all the produce of the American duties, 
" arifing or to arife, by virtue of any Eritijh aft of 
Parliament, mould from time to time be paid to 
the deputy pay-mafter in America to defray the 
fubfjftence of the troops, and any military ex- 
pences incurred in the Colonies*." Highly fa- 
voured Americans ! you are to be wafted with taxes 
and impofitions, in order to fatisfy the charges of 
thofe armaments which are to blafl your country 
with the moft terrible of all evils univerfal corrup- 
tion^ and a military government {-. 

The reigns of paft and prefent great monarchs 
when compared, often prefent a itriking fimili- 
tude. The Emperor Charles the Fifth, having ex- 
alted the royal prerogative (or the influence of the 
crown) on the ruins of the privileges of the Cafti- 
lians, allowed the name of the Cortes (or the Par- 
liament) 

* 2 vol. Lord's Prot. p. 291, 1766, by the Lords who en- 
tered their Proteft againil the repeal of the American Stamp-aft . 

f Englimmen in the reign of Henry the 4th had the virtue and 
courage to " declare it in Parliament as the undoubted right of the 
Kingdom, not to be charged 'with aught, for the defence of the 
realm, or fafeguard of the feas, but by their own will and confenf 
in Parliament" The rights of the kingdom, p. 146, edit. 1682. 
Had Britons in the reign of Geo. 3d been as coniiderate of the 
fpirit of their laws and conftitution, or attentive to that old rule 
to do as you would Le done by they would not have charged 
America with a large revenue for " the fubjijhnce of troops and 
t( military expences", without con ful ting its local Parliaments, and 
againil the will of its Commons ; more efpecially iince it was the 
portion of that able, though mofl arbitrary prince, Edward the 
Firit of England, touching martial affairs ^uod omnes tangit, 
omnibus approbetur. 



6 7 

Hamcnt) to remain , and ^formality * of holding it 
thus continued, he reduced its authority and jurif- 
diction to nothing, and modelled it in fuch a man- 
ner, that /'/ became (fays Dr. Robertfon) rather a 
junto of the fervants of the crown^ than an affembly of 
the representatives of the people^. The iuccefs of 
Charles in abolifhing the privileges of the commons, 
and in breaking the power of the nobles of Caftile, 
encouraged an invafion of the liberties of Arragon, 
which were yet more extenfive. 

Attend, Americans ! reflect on the fituation of 
your mother country, and confider the late con- 
duct of your Brethren in Britain towards this Con- 
tinent. " The Caftilians (once high fpirited and 
" brave in the caufe of freedom) accuftomed to fub- 
*' jettion tbemfelveS) ASSISTED (fays the fame il- 
" luftrious hiftorian) IN IMPOSING THE YOKE on 
" their more happy and independent neighbours^" 
Hath not Britain (fallen from her priftine freedom and 
glory) treated America as Caftile did Arragon ? have 
not Britons impofed on our necks the fame yoke, 
which the Caftilians impofed on the happy Arrago- 
neie ? Yes !--! fpeak it with grief I fpeak it with 
anguifh Britons are our opprefTors '. I fpeak it 
with fhame 1 fpeak it with indignation " WE ARE 

" SLAVES." 



As force firft fixes the chains of vafTalage, 
fo cowardice reftrains an inflaved people from 
burfting in funder their bands. But the cafe per- 
haps is not delperate, till the yoke has been fo 

K 2 . . long 

* See before p. 56,7. 65. 

f 3 vol. hift. of Charles 5, p. 434. See alfo before p. 56,7, 
And the note there and alfo p. 65. 
J Hift. Charles 5, 3 vcl. p. 434. 

I 



. ( 63 ) 

long borne, that the underftanding and the 
fpints of the people are fnnlc into ignorance 
and barbarifm, fupinenefs and perfect inactivity. 
Such, 1 yet truft, is not the deplorable date of 
the land of my nativuy. How ibon may it be ! 
we (hall tremble, when we reflect that the progrds 
of thraldom is fecret, and its effects incredibly 
rapid and dreadful*. Hence we fee nations, once 
the freed and mod high-fpirited in Europe, ab- 
ject in the mod humiliating condition. The Arra- 
gonefe oath of allegiance to their king exhibits the 
true llandard of all juft fubjeclion to govern- 
ment, and teftifies a genuine fenfe and fpirir. 
-" We, who are each of us as good, and who 
" are altogether more powerful than you. promrfe cbe- 
*' dience to your government., IF YOU MAINTAIN OUR 

^ RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES ; IF NOT, NOT f." 

When a people, endowed with ilich under- 
ftandinpr, fcntirnents, and virtue have fallen into 

^ 

a difgraceful vaffalage what have WE in this 
land, ' at this time, reafon to fear ? - The fame 
Athenians who infulted and bid defiance to " a 
Philip of Macedon, crouched and cowled at the 
feet of an Alexander. ROMANS, who with righ- 
teous indignation expelled royalty and the Tar- 
quins, boie with infamy and fhame the ravages 
of lucceeding kings and emoerorj. ENGLISH- 

fj vZ> 

MEN, who rofe with a divine tnthufiafm againft 
She frft Charles, difgracefully fubmirted to the 
iifurpation of a Cromwell, and then, with unex- 
ampled folly and madnefs reftored that odious 
and execrable race of tyrants, the houfe of 
Stewart. Examples, like thefe, ought to excite 

the 

* The lefs of liberty (fays that fagacious politician Tacitus) is 
ever accompanied with th': lofs of Spirit and magnanimity, 
t Dr. Robertfon's hift. Charles 5, i vol. 153". ' Vila Agric. 



the dcepeft concern -, at this day, they ought to do 
mor.;~-<:o inipire fortitude and action. 

Providence from the beginning^ hath exercifed 
this country with fingular trials. In the earlieft 
per:o H s of our hulory, New-England is feen fur- 
rcvmded vviti. ajveriaries, and akernately vexed with 
foci forei-n and domcftic. Fierce as her enemies 

^ '> 

wert from abroad, and favai;e as the Natives of 

o 

America we re ithifl, her word enemies will be 
found thole of her own houfehold. 

Our fathers cc left their native country with 
* c the ftrongtft affurance that they and their pofte- 
*' rlty fhonic! enjoy the privileges of free natu- 
" ral born EngUJh fubjefls. * Depending upon 
theie affu ranees, they lubftained hard fhips fcarce- 
]y parallelled in the annals of the world -f, yet 
compaffion natural to the human breaft, did not re- 
ilrain internal foes from involving; them in new cala- 

C5 

mities, nor did that difgrace and contempt which 
fuddenly fell upon the conipirators, damp the ar- 
dour of their malignity. 

So early as 1633, (net fourteen years after the firft 
arrival at Plymouth) " the new fettkrs were in -perils 
" from their own countrymen t." In this, the infant 

/ * "* 

flateofthe country, while expofed to innumerable 
hard (hips, vexed with hoftilities from Europe, and 
the depredations of favages, there exiiled men, who 
4t beheld the Maffachtrfetts with an e'rroious eye : j 1 3 
The characleriftics of the firft confpirators agamic 
this province, were fecrecy and induftry : they had 

effected 

* See H-nch. hift. i vol. Pref. p. 4- 

t See lame hift. p. 19, 45. Appenuix p. 538. 

t Same hiiL p. 31. 

Jj Ib. p. 31. 



41 

(C 



( 7 ) 

effected the mifchief, before the people knew of their 
danger. Morton in his letter to Jefferies of the 
firft of May 1634, writes, that " the Maffachufett's 
patent by an order of Council was brought 
in view and the privileges well fcanned *." But 
by whom ? Very like fome of more modern fame : 
An arch-bilhop, and the privy council of Charles 
the firft ! Excellent eiTay-maflers, for New-Eng- 
land privileges, moft renowned judges of the 
rights and liberties of mankind ! They firft dif- 
cover the Charter " to be void -{-," and then no 
doubt advife to the iffuing of the commiiTion found 
by my Lord Barrington in the 318: vol. of Mr, 
Petyc's Manufcript, " a commiffion directed to 
the archbilbop of Canterbury, the Lord chancel- 
lor, and other Lords of the privy council, by 
which they are impowered to prepare laws, for 
the belter government of the Colonies " " which were 
afterwards to be enforced by THE KING'S PROCLA- 
MATION * " 



tt - 



Co 

. 



This was confidered as a mafler-ftroke of policy, 
and the public confpirators of the day difplay'd the 
plumage of triumph, with that fpn ; t and often ta- 
tion (I which have defcended to their fucceiTors. 
But how eaiy is it, with Providence, to dilappoint 
the projects, and humble the pride of man ! Laud 
and his mailer, in the fubfequent periods of hiftory, 
sre found too bulled with their own concerns, 
jto attend much to thofe of others. Hence, 
this extraordinary Commifiion was never executed, 
and the plan let en foot within three years after, 
" for revoking the patent of the MafTachufetts, " 

proved 

* i Hutch, p. 31. 
-\ Same page. 

% Barr. obfervations on the more ancient Statutes, p. 146, note c 
I! See Morton's Letter before cited. <t 

i Hutch, hid. p. 48 & 51. 



proved abortive. Literary correfpondences inimi- 
cal to the Province, commenced with Archbimop 
Laud *, in 1638 )-. But in the pious language 
of our fathers, " the LORD delivered them from 
the opprefTor t, " " againfl all men's expectations 
* c they were encouraged, and much blame and dif- 
" grace fell upon their adverfaries |).' 3 Yen not- 
withftanding, " a fpirit full of malignity again ft the 
*' country (not very long after) much endangered 
" both it's civil and religious liberties ." 

More than a century ago, " the great privi- 
<c leges of New-England were matter of envy [," 
and accordingly complaints multiplied to Crom- 
well (a), no doubt for the benevolent purpofe of 
abridging (what were called) Englijh Liberties. " All 
" attempts to the prejudice of the colony being to 
" no purpofe (b)" with the Protector, the adverfa- 
ries of the province were defpondent, until the re- 
ftoration of Charles the 2d gave new hopes , when 
" petitions and complaints were preferred againfl the 
" Colony, to the king in council, and to the Par- 
" liament (c).' 1 

Falfe 



* Laud was the favourite chander, felefted for a correfpon- 
ident, by the American letter-writers of the laft century ; in the 
next age mankind will be as \ve]l acquainted with the genius and 
fpirit of feme more modern Britilh correfpondents, as they now 
are with the temper of that renowned prelate. 

f r Hutch, hilt. p. 86. 

\ Morton's Mem. p. 15. 

il Same book 35. See alfo Collection of original Paper?, &c. 
p, 52. 

Morton's Memo. 96, J 87. 

[ Hutch, hift. 194. 

(a) Ib. 192, 194. 

(b) Ib. 194. 

(c) Ib. 2il. 



V <S 

cc 



cc 
ct 

cc 

cc 



( 72 ) 

" Falfe friends and open enemies " now became 
the terror of the country *, while new foes brought 
new charges to render it obnoxious, -f " The 
great men and natives of the country r , made their 

complaints alfo to the king t." Tne con- 

fequences were fuch as might be expected. " Four 
" perfons were lent over from England, one of them 
the known and profejjed enemy of the country > with 
fuch extraordinary powers, ( that our anceftors 
with grief complain) they were to be fubjected 
to the arbitrary power of ftr angers, proceeding not 
by any eltabliihed law, but their own difcre- 
" tion . " How aitoniihinsly uniform, how 

w **-s 

cruelly cormitent has been the conduct of Britain 
from that day to the prefent ? 

Amidft all thefe ievere trials, the inhabitants of 
New-England, conducted themfeives with a virtue 

^j 

and piety worthy remembrance and imitation. " They 
" appealed to GOD, they came not into this wil- 
ec dernefs to feek great things for themfeives, but for 

" the fake of a poor and quiet life,"- they tefti- 

fied to their Sovereign that " their liberties were 
" dearer to them than their lives \\ " " Evil minded 
" men continue (however) to mifreprefent them," 
(a) and what is almolt incredible, " the diftrefles of 
* c the Colony, during a war, which excited com- 
" pafilon in fome, yet thefe very diftrefles were 
" improved by others to render the Colony more 
" obnoxious (b)." 

Although 

* Hutch, hill. p. 220. 

| Ib. 224,5. t Appen. Hutch, hift. No. 15. 

Another native of New-England, about the year 1705, wrote 
to England, that " this country would never be worth living in 
" for Lawyers, and Gentlemen, until the CHARTER was taken 



" 



Hutch, hill. 232. |1 Ib. 232,3. Appen. No. 16. p. 542 

(a) See fame hill. 242,3. 

(b) Same hift. 302. Anno 1676. 



( 73 ) 

Although " this is certain, that as the Colony 
" was at rirft fettled, fo it was preferved from ruin, 
" without any charge to the mother country *; : 
yet " in the height of the diflrefs of war, and 
" whilft the authority of the Colony was contend- 
ing with the natives for the poffeffion of the joil ; 
complaints were making in England which 
" (truck at the powers of government -f." With 
what ferocity have Americans been purfued from 
the earlieft times ? That DcCmon of malevolence, 
which went forth at the beginning, ftill fpirits up 
our adverfaries, and perfecutes the country with 
unabated malice. 



Cl 

4C 



u 

ct 
cc 



Randolph, who, the people of New England 
faid, went up and down feeking to devour 
them J," was the next active emiffary againft the 
province. " He was inceffant and open in endea- 
" vouring the alteration of the constitution . : 
in his open enmity, he appears far lefs odious 
than thofe who have been equally inimical, and 
equally indefatigable to t\\t fame purpofe, with more 
cowardice, diiTimulation, and hypocrify. Eight 

Li vo\ ages 

* Ib. 310. See alfo in confirmation of the above, fame hift. 
93 114. 2 vol. 130, 204. 

f Ib. 310, 311. 

" The dominion of the crown over this country, before the 
arrival of* our predecefibrs, was meerly ideal. Their removal 
hither realized that dominion, and lias made the country va- 
luable both to the Crown and Nation, without any cojl to cither of 
them from that time to this. EVEN IN THE MOST DISTRESSED 
STATE of our PredeceJ/ors, when they expected to be dejlroyed by a 
general conf piracy and incurjion of the Indian natives, THEY HAD 

NO ASSISTANCE FROM THEM." 

Theaniwer of the Cour.cii of the Province to Governor Hutch- 
infon's Speech, 2 5th of Jan. 1773. 
J Hutch, hilt. p. 319. 
Ib. 335,6. 



( 74 ) 

voyages were made acrofs the Atlantic in the courfe 
of nine years, by this inveterate fpirit, with hoflile 
intentions to the government *. Nor will it be 
furprifing to find him thus expole his life upon 
the ocean, when fuch fervices acquired " new 
" powers -f " Have we not feen in our own day, 
a fimilar policy adopted, and the fame object operat- 
ing as a motive to the like execrable conduct? 
Such has been the ftrange, though unhappily con- 
fident, conduct of our mother-country, that fhe 
has laid temptations, and given rewards and fti- 
pends to thofe, who have flandered and betrayed 
her own children. Incited probably by the fame 
motive, Cranfield rofe up as in league with Ran- 
dolph, and " infamoufly reprefented the colony as 
" roues and rebels 



Libels, and confpiracies of this nature, called for 
the interpofition of authority : Exprefs laws were 
enacted for the prevention of like treafonable 
practices for the future, and death being deemed the 
proper punifhment for an enemy to his country, 
traitors to the conftitution were to fuffer that penal- 
ty. Thus a " confpiracy to invade the common- 
" wealth, or arty treacherous attempt to alter andfub- 
" t vert fundamentally the frame of polity and govern- 
* c ment, was made a capital offence ||." Did our laws 
now contain a like proviiion, public confpirators 
and elevated parricides would tremble for their 
heads, who do not Ihudder at the enormity of their 
crimes. There are characters in fociety, fo devoid 
of virtue, and endued with ferocity, that nothing 

but 

/- 

* Hutch, hift. 329. 
-J Ib. 329, 

I * b - 337- 

|| Ib. 442. Seep, 295, 336. 



< 75 ) 

but fanguinary laws can reftraln their wickednefs. 
Even the diftrefs and cries of their native country 
excite no companion : reverence for fathers, and 
affection for children, caufe no reluctance at mea- 
fures which ftain the glorious lineage of their an- 
ceftors with infamy, and blail their fpreading pro- 
geny with oppreffion : that emanation from the 
Deity which creates them intelligents, feems to ceaie 
its operation, and the tremendous idea of a GOD 
and futurity, excites neither repentance nor refor- 
mation. 

Thus, my countrymen, from the days of Gardi- 
ner and Moreton *, Gorges and Mafon-f. Ran- 
dolph and Cranfield , down to the prefent day, the 
inhabitants, of this Northern region have constantly 
been in danger and troubles, from foes open and fe- 
cret abroad, and in their bofom. Our freedom has 
been the object of envy, and to make void the charter 
of our liberties the work and labor of an undimi- 
nifhed race of villains. One cabal having failed of 
fuccefs, new confpirators have rifen, and what the 
iiril could not make " void," the next " humbly 
delired to revoke ." To this purpofe, one falfhood 
after another hath been fabricated and Ipread abroad, 
with equal turpitude and equal effrontery. That 
minute detail which would pre-fent actors, now on the 
flage, is the province of HISTORY : She, inexora- 
bly fevere towards the eminently guilty, will delineate 
their characters with the point of a diamond : and 
thus blazoned in the face 'of day^ the abhorrence and 
execrations of mankind will confign them to an in- 
famous immortality. 

L 2 So 

* Hutch, hifl. 31,2. Anno 1632, 

f Ib. 51. Anno 1636. 

t Ib. 337. And Colleft. oforig, papers, &c. p. 477, 

Ib. 31, 2, 5. 



( 76 ) 

So great has been the credulity of the Britifh 
Court, from the beginning, or fuch hath been the 
activity of falfe brethren, that no tale inimical to the 
Northern Colonies, however falfe or abfurd, but 
what hath found credit with adminiftration, and 
operated to the prejudice of the Country. Thus it 
was told, and believed in England, that we were not 
in camelr. in the expedition againil Canada at the 
beginning of this centurv, and that the country did 
every thing in its power to defeat the fuccefs of it, and 
that the misfortune of that attempt ought to be wholly 
attributed to the northern colonies. While nothing 
.could be more obvious, than that New- England had 
exhaufied her youngeft blood and all her trcalures in 
the undertaking ; and that every motive of felf- 
prefervation, happinefs, and faiety, muit have ope- 
rated to excite theie provinces to the moil fpirited 
and oerfeverins meafures againft Canada *. 

* o o 

The people who are attacked by bad men have 
a teitimo'ny of their merit, as the conltitution 
which is invaded by powerful men hath an evi- 
dence of its value. The path of our duty needs 
no minute delineation : it lies level to the eye. 
Let us apply then, like men ienfible of its impor- 
tance, and determined on its fulfilment. The in- 
roads upon our public liberty call for reparation 
Th** wrongs we have fuftained call for juftice. 
That reparation, and that juitice, may yet be obr 
tained by union, fpiiit, and firmnefs. But to di- 
vide and conquer* was the maxim of the Devil in 
the garden of Eden and to difunite and infiave, 
hath been the principle of all his votaries from that 

periocj 

* See Jer. pummer's Letter to a Noble Lord, Edit. 1712, p. 

12, 13, &C. 



( 77 ) 

period to the prefent. The crimes of the guilty 
arc to them the cords of affbciation, and dread of 
pumihment, the indifibluble bond of union. The 
combinations of public robbers, ought therefore, 
to cement patriots and heroes : and as the former^ 
plot and confpire to undermine and deftroy the 
common- wealth, the latter ', ought to form a com- 
pact tor opposition a band of vengeance. 

What infidious arts, and what deteflable practi- 
ces have been ulecl to deceive, difunite and enflave 
the good people of this Continent ? The myflical 
appellations of loyalty and allegiance, the venera- 
ble names of government and good order, and the 
facred ones of piety and public virtue, have been 
alternately proftituted to that abominable purpofe. 
All the windings and guiles, fubterfuges and 
doublings, of which the human foul is fuiceptible, 
have been difplayed on the occafion. But fecrets 
which were thought impenetrable are no longer 
hidden , characters deeply difguifed are openly re- 
vealed : the diicovery of grofs impoilors hath gen- 
erally preceded but a fhort time, their utter extir- 
pation, 

Be not again, my country-men, " EASILY capti- 
vated with the appearances ONLY of ivifdom and 
piety profeffions of a regard to liberty and of a 
itrong attachment to the public intereft." * Your 
fathers have been explicitly charged with this folly, 
by one of their, posterity. Avoid this and &\\Jimilar 
errors. Be cautious againft the deception of ap- 
pearances. By their fruits ye jhall know them, was 
the faying of ONE who perfectly knew the hu- 
man heart. Judge of affairs which concern Jocial 
jiappinefs, by faSfs : Judge of man by his deeds. For 
;t is very certain, that pious zeal/0/* days and times, for 

mint 

* Hutch : hid, j vol. p. 53. 



ct 

(C 
Ci 



1C 

cc 



mint and cummin, hath often, been pretended by 
thole who were infidels at bottom ; and it is as cer- 
tain, that attachment to the dignity of Government ^ and 
the King's fervice^ hath often flowed from the 
mouths of men, who harboured the darkelt ma- 
chinations againft the true end of the former, and 
were defbitute of every right principal of loyalty 
to the latter. Hence then, care and circumfpeclion 
are neceflary branches of political duty. And 
as " it is muck eafier to reflrain liberty from run- 
ning into licentioufnefs, than power from fwell- 
ing into tyranny and opprefilon,* fo much 
more caution and refiftance, are required againft the 
over- bearing of rulers, than the extravagance of the, 
people. 

To give no more authority to any order of flate, 
and to place no greater public confidence in any 
man, than is neceflary for the general v/elfare, may 
be confi'Jered by the people as an important point 
of policy. But though craft and hypocrify are 
prevalent, yet piety and virtue have a real exiftence : 
duplicity and political impoflwre abound, yet bene- 
volence and public fpirit are not altogether banifhed 
the world. As wolves will appear in fheep's-cloth- 
ing, fo fuperlative knaves and parricides will afiume 
the vefture of the man of virtue and patriotifm. 

Thefe things are permitted BY PROVIDENCE, no 
doubt, for wife and good reafons. Man was cre- 
ated a rational, and was defigned for an active be- 
ing. His faculties of intelligence and force were 

o o 

given him for ufe. When the wolf, therefore, is 
found devouring the flock, no hierarchy forbids a 
feizure of the victim for iacrifice ; fo alfo, when 



2 vol. Lordi Prot. p. 141. Anno i 



dignified 



X 79 ) 

dignified importers are caught deftroying thofe, 
whom their arts deceived, and their ftations deftined 
them to protect, the fabre of juftice flafhes right- 
couiheis at the ftroke of execution. 

Yet be not amufed, my Countrymen ! the ex- 
tirpation of bondage, and the re-eftablifhment of 
freedom, are not of eafy acquifition. The worfc 
paflions of the human heart, and the moft fubtle pro* 
jecls of the human mind, are leagued againft you , 
and principalities and powers have acceded to the 
combination. Trials and conflicts you mull, there- 
fore endure-, hazards and jeopardies of life and 
fortune will attend the flruggle. Such is the fate 
of all noble exertions for public liberty, and focial 
happineis. Enter not the lifts without thought and 
confideration, left you arm with timidity, and com- 
bat with irrefolution. Having engaged in the con* 
fiicl, let nothing difcourage your vigour, or re- 
pel your perfeverance : Remember, that fubmiffi- 
on to the yoke of bondage, is the worft that can befal 
a people after the moft fierce and unfucceisful 
refiftance. What can the misfortune of vanquifh- 
ment take away, which defpotifm and rapine would 
fpare ? It had been eafy (laid the great law-giver 
Solon to the Athenians,) to repreis the advances 
of tyranny, and prevent it's eftablilhment, but now 
it is eftablijhed and grown to fame height ^ it would be 
MORE GLORIOUS to demolifh it. But nothing glori- 

^ O c-< 

ous is accomplifhed, nothing great is attained, no- 
thing valuable is fecu red, without magnanimity of 

mind and devotion of heart to the fervice. BRUTUS - 

LIKE, therefore, dedicate yourlelves at this day to 
the fervice of your Country ; and henceforth live 

A LIFE OF LIBERTY AND CLORV. " On the idcS 

" of 

? Plutr Lift? of Solon, 



( So ) 

" of March" (faid the great and good man to 
his friend Caflius juft before the battle of Philippi) 
" On the ides of March I DEVOTED MY LIFE to my 
* c Country^ and fine e that time y I have lived A LIFE OF 



LIBERTY AND GLORY." 



Infpired with public virtue, touched with the 
wrongs, and indignant at the infults, offered to his 
Country, the high-fpirited Cafiius exhibits an he- 
roic example : " Refolved as we are," (replied the 
hero to his friend) " refolved as we are, let us march 
" againft the enemy, for though wefoould not conquer^ 
" we have nothing to fear *. 

SPIRITS and GENII, like thefe, rofe in Rome 
and have fince adorned Britain : fuch alfo will one day 
make glorious this more Weft em world. AMERICA 
hath in (tore her BRUTI and CAssn--her Hampdens 
and Sydneys Patriots and Heroes, who will form 
a BAND OF BROTHERS \ mei> who will have memories 
and feelings^-courage and fwords : COURAGE, 
that mall inflame their ardent bofoms, till their hands 
cleave to their fwordsand their SWORDS to their 
Enemies hearts. 

* Plut. Life or" Brutus. 

F I' N I S. 

The Author \\zsfelt exquijitely while writing upon the fubje&s 
of his confider.ition ; and the multitude and perplexity of his pri- 
vate bufinds have denied him fufficient time to revife -this publi- 
cation. Under thefe circuinftances, (and being alfo feveral years 
on this fide the meridian of the age of man) thjpre will be found, 
no doubt, many indifcretions and faults for thofe of riper years 
and cooler judgment to corred and cenfure. - The great Lord 
Chan. Bacon hath told us of wi/e legijlators uho have made their 
law upon the fpur of the occafion : -a good citizen, deeply pricked 
by the fpur of the times, is very apt to Hart with an over-hafty 
ipted. - The only excufe of the writer is ; that as he at firft 
;ifi"j.ined his pen from the impulfes of his Conscience, fo he now 
publishes his ientiments from a fenfe of duty to GOD and his 
Country. 

r